LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 

i Copyright W/x/ 



Chap. 



UNITED STAT 



ES OF AME 



AMERICA. 



CLASS NOTES 



ON 



THE OLD TESTAMENT. 



INCLUDING 



Revised Old Testament Studies, 
Old Testament Chronology and History, 



AND 



The Prophets and the Promise. 



BY 



WILLIS JUDSON BEECHER, 



PROFESSOR OF THE HEBREW LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE 

IN THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY OF AUBURN 

IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK. 



«\ ., 



apr i-i»y $> 



AUBURN, N. y/VV/ ill 

J. W. Burroughs, Book and Job Pmmgg^ <f[ /lAI 



1897. 






-54- 



Copyright, 1896. 
By Willis J. Belcher. 



CONTENTS. 



REVISED OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



Lect. I. Scope. Divisions. 



page 
i 



PART I. 



What the Old Testament says concerning itself. 



Lects. II-VI. Preliminary Tones. .... 

Lects. VII-XXIII. The Hexateuch 

Lects. XXIV-XXVIII. The second Literary Period. 
Lects. XXIX-XXXII. The third Literary Period. 
Lects. XXXIII-XXXVI. The fourth Literary Period. 



5 
15 
60 

7i 
76 



PART II. 



Later Evidence concerning the Old Testament. 



Lect. XXXVII. The Contact of Israel with the Greeks. . . 85 

Lects. XXXVII I-XXXIX. Postbiblical Israelitish Literature. . 88 

Lect. XL. The Men of the Great Synagogue. .... 91 

Lects. XLI-XLII. The Septuagint 94 

Lects. XLIII-XLV. The Canon of the Old Testament. . . 98 

Lects. XLVI-XLVII. The Completing of the Old Testament. . 104 

Lects. XLVIII-LI. The Disputed Books n 1 

Lects. LII-LV. The Text, and Text Criticism, , 120 



IV 



CONTENTS. 



II. 



OLD TESTAMENT CHRONOLOGY AND HISTORY. 



Lects. I-III. Preliminary Topics. 

Lects. IY-XY. The Forming of Tsraelitish Institutions. 
Lects. XYI-XXIII. Period of the Changing Sanctuary. 
Lects. XXIY-XXXYII. Period of Fixed Sanctuary. 
Lects. XXXYIII-XLI. Period of Restored Sanctuary. 



page 

i 

9 
3i 
53 

7S 



III. 



THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 



Lects. I-XI. The Prophets of Israel. 
Lects. XII-XXIY. Messianic Prophecy. 



PAGE 

I 

21 



PREFACE. 

These notes were printed for class use, and designed to be 
read in connection with class studies and lectures. It has 
seemed to me best to copyright and publish them, but that 
does not change their character. 

They are not very full at any point ; but in most of the 
ground they cover they are purposely meager, that they may 
not supersede the necessity of investigation by the student 
himself. No one should be disappointed if he finds them un- 
intelligible except through the process of looking up the 
references, and sharing in the discussions of which they are a 
syllabus. 

In particular, the lectures on Old Testament History need 
to be accompanied by the separate tabulated study of the 
chronology, described in the twenty-first number in that 
course. 

Some of the sheets were hurriedly prepared and printed, 
and a few of the numbers in those sheets really ought to be 
replaced by others more carefully written. 

The point of view from which these notes are written is 
indicated in the first lecture of each of the three courses. 
The reasons for the order adopted in treating of the Old 
Testament are noted in the ninth and tenth numbers in the 
first course. 



REVISED OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES. 



REVISED 

Old Testament Studies 

Auburn Senior Class, 1895-96. 



LECTURE I. 
Scope. Divisions. 

1. The subject. — The principal subject of these Studies is 
The Literary Character and Origin oe the Old Testa- 
ment. Incidentally, this includes some notice of most of 
the current questions concerning the Old Testament. 

2. Sources of information. — The principal scource is the 
Old Testament itself. Supplementary sources are : a. Other 
literature, including the New Testament, the secondary Jew- 
ish writings, early Christian tradition, incidental mention in 
Greek and Roman authors, and, more important than most of 
these, the writings of Egyptians, Assyrians, Babylonians, Hit- 
tites, Arabians and others, recovered within the last few de- 
cades. 0. The testimony of Astronomy, Geography, Topog- 
raphy, ancient ruins and objects found in them, Philology, 
Ethnology, etc., to some of the points involved in our study. 
c. Our knowledge of the order of nature, and of the possibili- 
ties and probabilities of human conduct in certain circum- 
stances. 

3. Kinds of evidence. — The evidence in regard to tli3 bible is 
sometimes classified as external and internal. A better classi- 
fication is into historical evidence and critical evidence. His- 
torical evidence is that which comes in the form of statements 
of fact as to the question in hand, whether found in the books 
themselves or elsewhere ; for example, the statement that 
Jeremiah wrote the letter beginning Jer. xxix. 1. Another 



POINT OF VIEW. 



name for evidence of this kind might be direct testimony. 
Critical evidence is that which exists in the form of peculiari- 
ties of language, style, contents, in the books themselves. 
These peculiarities are phenomena, to be observed and studied 
and classified. The evidence in regard to the origin of a 
book drawn from the phenomena it presents may sometimes 
be more full and more conclusive than the direct testimony 
that we have concerning it. The phenomena that constitute 
critical evidence are of various kinds : linguistic phenomena, 
rhetorical phenomena, phenomena in the facts stated, etc. 
One class so important as to deserve a name by itself consists 
in the allusions to historical events found in any writing. Let 
us call this the evidence of historical allusion. It includes 
those portions of the critical evidence which depend on the 
facts stated, rather than upon the literary peculiarities of 
statement. See Christian Thought for ]S T ov., 1884, pp. 177- 

203. 

4. Point of view : Inspiration.— a. The study of the liter- 
ary character of the bible is logically antecedent to that of its 
claims to be divinely inspired. Hence, in the present discus- 
sion, we are not entitled to use as premises either the assump- 
tion' that the bible is inspired, or the assumption that it is not. 
o. Or, accepting its inspiration, we are not qualified to infer 
therefrom its literary character and origin, but must investi- 
gate these, on evidence, as matters of history. 
" 5. Point of view: Historicity. -This matter is of primary 
importance. At the outset, how are we to regard the direct 
testimony of our principal source of information \ Are we to 
assume that every statement in the Old Testament is histori- 
cally true % Or are we to assume the contrary? Or is there 
some other point of view % 

6. The point of view of alleged certainty.— Doubtless most 
of us are convinced that inspiration guarantees the minute 
historical truthfulness of the bible: does it follow that we 
ought to take this as the basis of our investigations 1 a. To do 
this is contrary to correct method. So far as this study is 
concerned, the doctrine of inspiration is, as we have just seen, 



POINT OF VIEW. 



before us, not behind us. b. If we start from this basis, we 
convince only those who accept the basis ; it is far more im- 
portant to convince others, c. The best test of the historicity 
of the Old Testament is the using of it in an actual historical 
investigation. Any assumption that excludes this test is unde- 
sirable, d. As a matter of fact, the mental habits that lead one 
to insist upon this basis are likely also to lead him to accept 
traditional interpretations of the bible, instead of studying 
it for himself. 

7. The point of view of alleged uncertainty. — Are we 
therefore to regard the Old Testament as so saturated with 
unhistorical elements that we can only guess at the value of 
its statements % Some men are convinced that it is so : does 
it follow that we ought to take this as the basis of our investi- 
gations % a. The four reasons just given apply against this 
equally as against the point of view of alleged certainty, b. 
It is simply fair treatment of the direct evidence that we first 
take pains to understand it, before we begin rejecting or mod- 
ifying it. 

8. The point of view of provisional historicity. — The truly 
scientific point of view is the one defined by the question : 
Supposing the evidence of the Old Testament to be trust- 
worthy, what results do we reach ? Studying thus, it is sup- 
posable that we may find it impossible to reach results, or that 
we may reach unsatisfactory results, or that the results may 
be satisfactory ; but at any rate, this is the place to start. 
The only correct method is to begin by studying the evidence 
till we either understand it or k^ow it to be unintelligible ; 
not till we have done this are we ready to apply other tests of 
critical judgment. 

This is the more important because study from this point 
of view has been much neglected of ]ate. To a surprising ex- 
tent, the new views that are prevalent, as well as the older 
views, are really based on traditional interpretations, and not 
on the real meanings of the Old Testament. The great need 
of the present time in this department is the re- study of the 
contents of the Old Testament. 



PLACE IN CURRICULUM. 



9. Place in the curriculum. — a. The theological course may 
be marked out as follows : First, Exegetical theology ; second, 
Historical theology : third, Systematic theology ; fourth, 
Practical theology, b. In exegetical theology the bible is un- 
der discussion ; for the other three the bible is a storehouse of 
materials, c. The branches of exegetical theology may be 
classified thus : First, Auxiliary, including, for example : i. 
Sacred Philology : Biblical Greek, Hebrew, Aramaic, etc.; ii. 
Sacred Geography, sacred Natural History, etc.; iii. Sacred 
Archaeology : the antiquities of the peoples named in the 
scriptures. Second, Direct, including : i. Biblical Literature. 
that is, Canonics, Texual Criticism. Higher Criticism ; ii. 
Biblical Exegesis, including the Theory, the History and 
the Practice of Exegesis ; iii. Biblical Theology, d. Strictly 
speaking, the present course is a study in Higher Criticism, 
though it involves the study of other questions also. Of 
course, the term higher criticism does not mean adverse criti- 
cism. It means the scientific study of the literary character 
of writings, as distinguished from the study that determines 
their text. 

On these various points, see the opening sections of Briggs 
on Biblical study. 

10. The proper order of study. — Theoretically, these topics 
follow one another in the order mentioned ; practically, we 
cannot study the earlier without the help of some knowledge 
of the later. Especially, we must use a careful practical exe- 
gesis of the bible in our study of its canon, textual criticism. 
and literary structure, unless we are willing to accept on these 
points the opinions of some scholars, disputed by other schol- 
ars. The true method for beginners is to start with the most 
obvious facts and the most accessible evidence, and advance 
in the order in which the facts become intelligible. 

11. Divisions. — This course will consist of two principal 
parts. In the first part, we shall inquire what the Old Testa- 
ment says in regard to its own origin, dealing mainly with the 
direct testimony and the historical allusions, but not exclu- 
ding other critical evidence, and sometimes anticipating the 



EXTRA-BIBLICAL WRITINGS. 



testimony of later times. In this part Ave shall trace the 
growth of the Old Testament up to the time when its latest 
parts were written. In the second part we shall take up the 
evidence of later times, examining the secondary Israelitish 
sacred literature, looking at the history of the completion, the 
tranmission, the text, the translations, the canon of the Old 
Testament, with the related problems. 



PART 1. 

WHAT THE OLD TESTAMENT SAYS CONCERNING 

ITSELF. 



LECTURE II. 
Extra-biblical Writings of Bible Times. 

12. The point to be considered. — It is sometimes assumed 
tliat the Old Testament is merely a collection of all the re- 
mains of ancient Israelitish literature. The facts are : First, 
that the Israelites were a literary people from our earliest 
knowledge of them, having many works besides those now 
preserved in the Old Testament ; second, that they had, from 
a very early period, a growing collection of sacred writings, 
recognized as different from other literature ; third, that the 
Old Testament is to be identified (largely, at least, and pre- 
sumably throughout) as this collection. 

13. Works mentioned in the ledest books. — Examine the 
use made of each of the following titles of literary works, and 
make up your mind whether the works referred to are now 
included in the Old Testament : a. The Book of the Kings of 
Judahand Israel (2 Chron. xvi. 11, xxv.26, xxviii.26,xxxii. 32); 
of the Kings of Israel (xx. 34); of the Kings (xxiv. 27); of 
the Kings of Israel and Judah (xxvii. 7, xxxv. 27, xxxvi. 8). b. 
the Words of Samuel, Gad, andNathan(l. Chron. xxix. 29); the 



EARLIEST ISRAELITE LITERATURE. 



Words of Nathan, the Prophecy of Ahijah, the Visions of Jedo 
(2 Chron. ix. 29); the Words of Shemaiah (xii. 15); the Words 
of Jehu (xx. 34) ; writings of Isaiah concerning Uzziah and 
Hezekiah (xxvi. 22, xxxii. 32). c. The Book of the Kings of 
Israel (1 Chron. ix. 1); Words of the Kings of Israel (2 Chron. 
xxxiii. 18). d. The Midrash of the Book of the Kings (xxiv. 
27); Midrash of Iddo (xiii. 22). e. Words of my Seers (xxxiii. 
19) ; Lamentations (xxxv. 25) ; Iddo on Genealogies (xii. 
15). /. Liturgical writings of David and Solomon (xxxv. 4 
cf. Ezra iii. 10) ; Commandments of David, Gad, and Nathan 
(xxix. 25) ; Last Words of David (1 Chron. xxiii. 27) ; She- 
maiah wrote (1 Chron. xxiv. 6). g. Book of Moses (Ezra vi. 18, 
cf. 1 Chron. xxiii-xxvi). h. Book of Chronicles (Neh. xii. 
23). i. Chronicles of the Kings of Media and Persia (Esth. x. 
2). j. Books then numerous (Ec. xii. 12). 

14. Literature as recognized in the middle books. — a. 
Chronicles of the Kings of Israel (1 Ki. xiv. 19 and seventeen 
other places) ; of Judah (xiv. 29 and thirteen other places) ; 
Book of the Words of Solomon (xi. 41) ; Solomon's poems, 
natural history, etc. (iv. 32-33 [v. 12-13]). b. The probable 
dates of the works mentioned in b. and /, Qu. 13 \ c. In- 
stances of doing business in writing (Jer. xxxii. 10-12, 44, 
Prov. iii. 3, vii. 3, 2 Ki. x. 1, 6, 1 Ki. xxi. 8, 2 Sam. xi. 15, 
viii. 16, 17). d. Other mention of writing (Isa. xxix. 11-12, 
xxx. 8, Job xiii. 26, xix. 23-24, xxxi. 35). 

15. In the earlier times. — a. Book of Jashar (Josh. x. 12- 
14, 2 Sam. i. 17-27, not the Greek at 1 Ki. viii. 53) ; Wars 
of Yahweh (Num. xxi. 14) ; Verses (Num. xxi. 16-18, 27- 
30). b. Business in writing (Jud. viii. 14, v. 14, Josh, xviii. 
4, 6, 8, 9, Num. xi. 26, v. 23, Deut. xxiv. 1, Isa. 1. 1, Ex. 
xxxii. 31-33). c. Oth er notices of writing (Ex. xxviii. 9-11, 
21, 29, 36. xxxix. 6, 14-15, 30, Num. xvii. 2, 3 (17-18), Deut. 
vi. 9, xi. 20). d, Kiriath-sepher (Josh, xv, 15, 16, 49, Jud, 
i. 11-12). 



LECTURE III. 
The Extra-biblical Ancient Literature, Continued. 

16. The prophets are said to have been writers, from Moses 
doivn.— Prove this from data given in 13-15. Further, use a 
concordance, and see whether literary authorship is attributed 
to Elijah. Jehu, Shemaiah, Iddo, Jedo, Ahijah, Solomon, 
David, Asaph, Heman, Ethan, Nathan, Gad, Samuel, Joshua, 
Moses, as well as to the so called literary prophets, who fol- 
lowed Elijah. 

17. Poems quoted in the earliest Old Testament writings. — 
Gen. iv. 23-24, ix. 25-27, xxv. 23, xxvii. 27-29, 39-40, Num. 
xxiii. 7-xxiv. 25, 1 Sam. ii. 1-10. a. In a sentence or two 
each, describe the character of these passages, b. Are such 
passages exceptional in the Old Testament, or frequent ? c. 
What bearing have they on the question whether there was 
an Israeli tish literature before these parts of the bible were 
written ? d. How does the date of these songs compare with 
that of the events celebrated ? 

18. Extra-biblical traditions of IsraeV s history. — Give some 
account of these, as found in Josephus Ant. II. ix, x, xi, 
and in the Septuagint additions to 1 Ki. xii. 24, ii. 35, 46, 
viii. 53, etc. Do these indicate the existence of extra-biblical 
Israelitish literature % and if so, how early ? 

19. A philological argument. — Some of the words denoting 
literary matters are the same in Hebrew as in Aramaic, Assyr- 
ian, and other Sbemitic languages. What bearing has this 
fact on the date when Hebrew became a literary language? 

20. Early contact of Israel with literary peoples. — a. De- 
scribe the geographical situation of Palestine, Avith reference 
to Egypt and Mesopotamia, b. According to the bible, what 
were the early relations of Israel to the peoples of those 
countries? c. From articles on Egypt, Assyria, Babylonia, 
Phoenicia, the Hittites, state how early these peoples had 
extensive literatures, d. How does this bear on the question 
of the date of the beginning of Israelitish literature? 



8 EL-AMARNA. 



See Schraders Cuneiform Inscriptions, the Records of the 
Past, Smith's Assyrian. Discoveries, Mariette-Bey's Monu- 
ments of Upper Egypt, Me Curdy's History, Prophecy, and 
the Monuments, Bosca wen's The Bible and the Monuments, 
and all that class of books, besides Encyclopaedia articles 
snd articles in the recent Teachers' Bibles. See also Moses 
and his Recent Critics, Essay XII, and articles by Osgood, 
Savce, and Mc Curdy, in the Sunday School Times for Sept. 
20 and Nov. 8, 1890, and Jan. 24, Apr. 11, May 16, June 27, 
Aug. 8, 18S>1. 

21. The El-amarna tablets. — Certain kings of the eight- 
eenth Egyptian dynasty, known as the heietic kings, moved 
the capital of Egypt to the locality now known as El-amarna, 
on the Nile. This is commonly spoken of as in the fourteenth 
or fifteenth century B. C. It was certainly while the Israel- 
ites were in Egypt, whatever date we give it in years B. C. 
Certain archives of these kings were discovered in 1887, inclu- 
ding several hundred cuneiform tablets. Among these were 
a large number of letters and reports from Palestine, proving 
that Shemitic writing was then a well known thing in those 
regions. 

See articles by Dr. Jastrow in Journal of Exegetical Society, 
Part I, 1892 and Part I, 1893. These give a good bibliogra- 
phy. Consult by index Sayce's Higher Criticism and the 
Monuments, where the name appear as Tel-el-am arna. For 
compact statements, see article by Prof. Francis Brown in 
Presbyterian Review for July, 1888, p 476, and article by 
Prof. K. F. Harper in Biblical World for Jan., 1893. See also 
Independent of June 28, 1838. and S. S. Times of Dec. 13, 
1890, Feb. 7, 1891, Jan. 23 and June 18, 1892, Aug. 26, 1893, 
June 23, 1894, etc. 

22. Results. — From our inquiries we find that the later 
biblical writers knew of Israelitish writings enough to form 
libraries. As the times recede, our information becomes less and 
less full, but the following three things were true of Israel, from 
before the exodus : a. Many of the people could read and 
write, b. They had poets and prose writers among them. 
c. Everybody knew something of the function of writing and 
of authorship. 



LECTURE IV. 
Classifications of the Old Testament Books. 

23. Rise of sacred literature in Israel. — In Qu. 12 three 
general facts were affirmed concerning Israelitish literature. 
The first of these facts we have now considered, namely, the 
existence of a somewhat extensive general literature. In che 
lectures that follow we are to consider the second and third 
facts together, inquiring how the body of literature compos- 
ing the Old Testament arose, and how it came to be differ- 
entiated from the other literature. We begin by classifying 
the writings that compose the Old Testament. 

24. The classification in the English bibles. — a. Seven- 
teen historical books, b. Five books of poetry and philoso- 
phy, c. Three Major Prophets, Lamentations, Daniel, d. 
Twelve Minor Prophets. 

25. The classification in the Hebrew bibles. — This is more 
generally accepted among scholars than any other, a. The 
five books of the law. b. The eight books of the Prophets; 
including: first, the four books of the Earlier Prophets; 
Joshua, Judges, 1 and 2 Samuel, 1 and 2 Kings ; second, the 
four books of the Later Prophets: (1) the Major Prophets: 
Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and (2) the twelve Minor Prophets. 
c. The eleven books of Writings, or Hagiographa, including: 
first, the three great poems: Psalms, Proverbs, Job; second, 
the five Rolls: Solomon's Song, Ruth, Lamentations, Eccle- 
siastes, Esther; third, the three Aramaized books: Daniel, 
Ezra and Nehemiali, 1 and 2 Chronicles. 

This makes twenty -four books in all. 

26. Points concerning this classificaton. — a. By another 
form of it, Ruth is combined with Judges, and Lamentations 
with Jeremiah, thus putting these two into the category of 
the prophets, reducing the number of the hagiographa to nine, 
and the whole number to twenty-two, the number of the let- 
ters in the Hebrew alphabet. We shall find reason to regard 



10 CLASSIFICATION OF THE BOOKS. 

this as the older classification, though some dispute this. b. 
It is commonly said that some of our thirty-nine books were 
formed by dividing some of the twenty-two or twenty-four; 
but it is equally supposable that the division into twenty-two 
is simply a classification of the previously existing thirty- 
nine, and this we shall find Avas the case. c. It is commonly 
held that the five books of the law were collected into a canon, 
and regarded as sacred, first; that the eight books of the 
prophets were collected, later, into a second canon; and the 
hagiographa still later into a third canon; the name Law and 
the name Prophets being afterwards extended in use, so as 
sometimes to include the Avhole. But it is equally supposable 
that the terms Law, Prophets, Sacred Writings, originally 
belonged to these writings in general, and that the classifica- 
tion came later; and the evidence will show that this is the 
true hypothesis. 

These assertions should for the present be received as 
merely provisional, as we do not now stop to prove them. 

27. Classification by historical contents. — The Old Testament 
consists of four series of historical books, belonging to four 
different periods, and including sixteen books ; with twenty - 
three additional books of poetry, maxims, or discourses. The 
four historical works form a basis of classification, and the 
classification is completed by placing with each of the four 
the other works that belong to the same period, a. The first 
historical series is the hexateuch, the first six books. It 
treats of the period of the establishment of Israel's sancuary. 
Xone of the other books belong to this period, except possibly 
Job, and Ps. 90. b. The second historical series includes 
Judges, Ruth, and 1 and 2 Samuel. It treats of the period 
when Israel's sanctuary was wandering. To this period also 
belong such psalms as were written in David's lifetime, c. 
The third historical series include. 1 and 2 Kings. It treats of 
the period wh en Israel' s sanctuary was the temple of Solomon. 
To this period belong many psalms, Prov., Cant., probably 
Job, and most of the major and minor Prophets, d. The 
fourth historical series consists of 1 and 2 Chronicles, Ezra, 



COMPOSITE WRITING. 11 

and ]S~ehemiah. It repeats the preceding history, and treats 
of the period of the restored sanctuary, after the exile. To 
this period belong Ezekiel, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, with 
Daniel and Esther and some psalms. Ecclesiastes was written 
in this period, though written in the person of Solomon. 
Many scholars assign other books to this period. 



LECTURE V. 
Composite Authorship. 

28. Explanations. — The phrase "composite authorship" 
figures very largely in questions concerning the Old Testa- 
ment, and a clear idea of its meaning is very important. We 
can best study it by the help of an instance. The following 
passage is literally translated from 1 Sam. xxxi and 1 Chron. 
x. The parts that are common to the two are printed in 
ordinary type ; the parts that are peculiar to Samuel are 
italicized, and the parts that are pecular to Chronicles are in 
capitals. 

29. An instance. — "(1.) Now the Philistines ivere fighting 1 
with Israel, and the men of Israel fled 2 from before the 
Philistines, and fell slain in the mountain of the G-ilboa. 
(2.) And the Philistines closely pursued after Saul and 
after his sons, and the Philistines smote Jehonathan* and 
Abinadab and Malchishua the sons of Saul. (3.) And the 
battle was heavy unto 4 " Saul, and the shooters, men with the 
bow. found him, and he was exceedingly annoyed from the 
shooters. (4.) And Saul said to 5 his armorbearer : Draw thy 
sword and thrust me through therewith, lest these uncir- 
cumcised enter, and thrust me through, and make sport of me. 
And his armorbearer was unwilling, because he was exceed- 
ingly afraid ; and Saul took the sword, and fell upon it. (5.) 
And his armorbearer saw that Saul was dead, and he also 

1. In Chron. " fought." 

2. Plural in Sam., singular and collective in Chron. 

3. In Chron. "Jonathan." 

4. In Chron. " upon." 
§. In Chron. "unto," 



12 COMPOSITE WRITING. 

himself fell upon the sword of h im and died with h im . (6.) And 
Saul died, and Ms three sons, and his Oi^morbearer, also all his 
men^ in that day together tiiky died. (7.) And all the 
men' of Israel who were across the valley. s or who were 
across the Jordan, saw that the men of Israel* were lied, and 
that Saul and his sons were dead : and they abandoned the 
cities of them and fled : and the Philistines entered and 
dwelt in them. 10 (8. | And it came to pass on the morrow that 
the Philistines entered to strip the slain : and they found Saul 
and his three sons fallen in the mountain of the Gilboa. (9. i 
And they cut off his head, and stripped him, and took up 
his head a\d his armor, and sent into the land of the 
Philistines round about, to make a*lad with the tidings the 
house of their idols and the people. (10.) And they placed 
his armor in the house cf Ashtaroth. ll and his skull they 
xailed up ix the house of dagon. and his body they nailed 
up at the v: all of B<dh- shan. ill.) And all the inhabitants 
of Jabesh-gilead heard of it, all that the Philistines had done 
to Saul. (12.) And all men of power arose and went all the 
night and took 12 the body of Saul and the bodies of his sons 13 
from the '.call of Beth-shan. and came and brought them in 
to Jabesh. and burned them there. (13. i and took and buried 
their bones under the tamarisk 1 * in Jabesh. 1 5 and they fasted 
seven days. And Saul died fop his rebellion which 
he rebelled with Yahweii, upon the word of Yahweh 
which he kept not, and also fop, that he asked of one 
that had a familiar spirit. ix order to inquire : (14.) 

AND HE INQUIRED NOT OF YaHWEH : AND HE SLEW HIM. AND 
BROUGHT AROUND THE KINGDOM To DAVID THE SOX OF JESSE." 

6. In Chron. i; all bis house. ; " 

7. Plural m Sani.. sing, collective in Chron. 

8. In Chron. " in the valley." 

9. In Chron. ;1 they."* 

10. In Chron. the pronoun is masculine. giving perhaps the meaning ••among 
them " that is, among the Israelites. 

11. In Chron. " in the house of their gods.*' 

12. In Chron. "took up *' 

13. For " body " and '• bodies " the usual Hebrew word is used in Samuel. 
In Chron. a word is used which c ccurs only here. 

14. In Chron. "terebinth.'* 

15. He directive in Sam. and not in Chron. 



COMPOSITE WRITING. 13 

30. Inferences. — a. In writing this passage, the author of 
Chronicles did not, like a modern writer of history, first study 
his sources, and then state the facts in his own language. He 
transcribed verses 1-12 with slight changes, either from the 
book of Samuel or from the source whence the writer in 
Samuel obtained them, b: His omissions are made system- 
atically, and in the interest of rendering the narrative 
briefer and more fluent, c. In the additions he makes, there 
are marks of a style of Hebrew later than that of the trans- 
cribed passage, d He does not always treat his sources thus, 
transcribing them. In verses 13-11 he has summarized facts 
which are given in detail in Samuel, e. We need not notice 
other points, nor touch upon certain matters of Hebrew dic- 
tion which cannot be shown in the translation. 

31. Various sources in composite authorship. — An inspec- 
tion of the instance just given will show us something of the 
way in which the human authors of the Old Testament did 
their work. One important point, however, it fails to show ; 
an author might do his work by transcribing from several 
sources, and not from one source only ; and if he did, the 
transcribed passages would probably follow one another, with 
the authors own notes interspersed, and without the making 
of any statement as to these peculiarities of the work. 

32. Composite authorship and inspiration. — The facts are 
inconsistent with the idea that the scriptures were mechanic- 
ally dictated by God ; they are consistent with any other 
doctrine of inspiration. The Holy Spirit is as able to guide 
men in the processes of composite authorship as in any other 
supposable literary processes. 



LECTURE VI. 

The Prophets and the Law. 

33. Prophetic authorship of the Old Testament. — The writings 
composing the Old Testament were written by a succession of 
men known as the prophets of Israel. No one disputes this 
when stated in this general way, though disputes come in as 
soon as one begins to particularize. 

34. The term law. —The fact that the first five books of the 
Old Testament are known especially as the law has led to 
current uses of that term that are misleading. It is impor- 
tant to have a clear idea of the term as used in the New Tes- 
tament, in other writings near the beginning of our era, and 
in the Old Testament. 

35. "The law" in the New Testament. — To understand 
the testimony, we need a clear idea of the term "law," as used 
by the witnesses. Prove that, in the New Testament, "law," 
besides other uses, sometimes denotes: a. The Old Testament 
(John x. 34, xv. 25, xii. 34, 1 Cor. xiv. 21, Rom. iii. 10—19). 
b. The pentateuch (John i. 45, Mat. vii. 12, and many other 
passages). In view of the fact that the Old Testament includes 
the pentateuch, can you decide which of these usages most 
prevails % 

36. This double use not peculiar to the New Testament.— 
Prove this from such passages as Josephus Ant. preface, 2 
Esd. xiv. 20-22, 44-46, Bissell's edition, compared with Jos. 
Cont. Ap. i. 8, etc. 

37. " The law" in the Old Testament. — Prove the following: 
a. The noun torah, law, and its Hiphil verb horah, teach, are 
used exclusively of divine law. The apparent exceptions, 
all in Proverbs, are not real (Prov. i. 8, vi. 20, xiii. 14, 
xxxi. 26). b. They denote any divine message, whether of 
the nature of a requirement or not, given through a prophet 
or prophetic man (e. g. Lev. vii. 37, 38, xxvi. 46, 2 Sam. vii 
19, 1 Chron. xvii. 17). c. Or the aggregate of divine messages 



CONTENTS OF THE HEXATEUCH. 15 

and requirements (Ex. xvi. 28, 4, Job xxii. 22, Ps. lxxviii. 5, 
Mic. iv. 2. Isa. ii. 3, the last four with no article), d. Any 
written prophetic message (Isa. viii. 16, 20 (no article), Deut. 
i. 5, iv. 8, 44). e. The short altar-code of Ebal ; possibly oth- 
er short documents (Deut. xxvii. 3-8 and Josh, viii . 32, Deut. 
xxvii. 11-26 and Josh. viii. 33-34, compare Deut. xxxi. 9,11, 12, 
and Josh. viii. 35. See also 2 Ki. xxiii. 2, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 
30). /. The growing collection of sacred writings, from Moses 
onward (Josh. xxiv. 26, Ezra vi. 18 and 1 Chron. xxiii-xxiv, 
Dan. vi. 5, 10 and Pss. Iv. 17, v. 7, 1 Ki. viii. 44, 48, Jon. ii. 
4). g. Possibly any section of this collection, h. Supposably 
the writings of Moses as distinguished from the rest of the 
collection (perhaps, e. g., 2 Chron. xxxiii. 7-8, 2 Ki. xxi. 7-8, 
xvii. 13, Zech. vii. 12, etc.). 



LECTURE VII. 
The Hexateuch : Its Contents Classified. 

38. The hexateuch a unit. — The first six books of the Bible 
constitute a literary unit. It has one subject, the history of 
Israel in its formative period, and one point of view. The 
narative in Joshua is directly continuous with that in Num- 
bers and Deuteronomy, while there is a break in the narra- 
tive between Joshua and Judges. 

39. A unit resulting from combination. — The unity of 
the hexateuch is evidently not that of originally continuous 
composition, but results from the way in which many differ- 
ent pieces of writing, in themselves quite heterogeneous, have 
been combined together. These different materials are mainly 
of three sorts : first, poems and addresses; second, legislation ; 
third, narrative. 

40. Poems and addresses. — See, for example, Gen.xlix. 2-27, 
Ex. xv. 1-18, Balaam's prophecies in Num. xxiii-xxiv, Deut. 
xxxii. 1-43, xxxiii ; or Deut. i. 3-iv. 40, Josh, xxiii, Josh. 
xxiv. 



16 CONTENTS OF THE HEXATEUCH. 

41. The legislative parts of the hexateuch. — They may be 
classified as follows : First, The covenant legislation, includ- 
ing : (1) "The ten words," with the precepts that follow (Ex. 
xx). (2) The "judges' code," or "covenant code" (Ex. xxi- 
xxiii). i. Civil laws. a. Hebrew slaves, and slave wives (xxi. 
1-11). b. Injuries to persons (xxi. 12-32). c. Injuries to 
property (xxi. 33-xxii. 15). d. Precepts for conduct (xxii. 
16-xxxiii. 5). e. Judicial procedure (xxiii. 6-9). ii. National re- 
ligious observances, sabbatical year, sabbath, annual feasts, 
sacrifices, abstinence from idolatry (xxiii. 10-33). (3) The 
"Little Covenant Code" (Ex. xxxiv. 12-26) emphasizing a 
part of (2). Second, The priestly legislation, including 
nearly all Leviticus, part of Exodus and Numbers, and parts 
of Joshua. (1) Laws which the Levite priests were to enforce 
over the people, in order to keep them separate to Jehovah 
(e. g. Lev. xi and xvii-xxvi). (2) Laws regulating details of 
priestly functions. Except that some of these laws are 
partly codified in Leviticus, they are recorded in the most 
haphazard manner, one law being repeated in several places, 
with variations. They also appear in a great variety of forms, 
including records of precedents, in the shape of narratives 
and descriptions ; orders from headquarters ; return reports ; 
manuals for particular services. State the form and the sub- 
ject of the legislation in each of the folio wing sections : Ex. 
xi-xiii, Josh, ix, Ex. xxv-xxxi, xxxv-xl, Num. i, ii, iii-iv, 
v, vi, vii, viii-x,xv-xix, xxv-xxvii, xxviii-xxix, xxx, xxxiv, 
xxxv, xxxvi, Lev. i-vii, viii-x, xi-xv, xvi, xxvii. Third, 
The "peoijle's code" in Deuteronomy. A selection ol laws 
adapted to popular use, largely those in the covenant legis- 
lation and the priestly legislation, but including yet other 
laws, introduced by a long public address, with much exhor- 
tation to obedience (Deut. iv. 44-xxvi, though other parts of 
Deut. are similar in character). Make table of contents. 

42. The hexateuchal narratives. — The narrative parts of the 
hexateuch connect it into a whole. Different sections 
differ in literary character ; compare, e. g. , the story 
of Joseph with the genealogies, or with the lists of cities in 



THE HEXATEUCH : If S ORIGIN. it 

Joshua. In Genesis the word toVdhoth, translated genera- 
tions, is ten times used as a title or inscription. Often a con- 
tinuous account repeats itself in some parts. The careful 
study of these phenomena belongs 10 a future part of our 
subject ; but in reading notice such literary phenomena as 
may attract your attention. 

43. Indications as to composition. — Evidently the man or 
men who gave the hexateuch its present literary shape had in 
their possession a mass of written poems, addresses, legal 
documents, narratives, and composed the work by putting 
these papers together, writing at the time whatever parts 
were needful to complete the work. 

Whether this implies a plurality of authors is another 
question. One who believes that Moses put the pentateuch 
together, might also hold that Moses, at different earlier times 
in his long career, wrote all the different papers that entered 
into the composition of the pentateuch. The general method 
in which the work was done is evident from the work itself ; 
the question who did it, and when, are different questions. 



LECTURE VIII. 

The Hexateuch : Views as to its Origin. 

44. The mechanical view. — This attributes the pentateuch 
to Moses, and the sixth book to Joshua, either ignoring the 
post-Mosaic elements, or accounting for them as given by pre- 
dictive inspiration. Nobody now holds this view ; but it is 
sometimes attributed to their opponents by men who hold the 
' ' new view, ' ' and is very often ignorantly assumed as a basis 
of argument, by men who attack the "new view." 

45. The old view. — Handed down by the ecclesiastical tra- 
ditions of Jews and Christians. Stated for the purpose of 
comparison with the new, it is : (1) The pentateuch is a unit 
by itself, the book of Joshua being an additional work. (2) 
The pentateuch is mainly a continuous composition by one 



18 THE NEW VIEW. 



author, though, in some cases, he may have incorporated ear- 
lier pieces of writing. (3) The one author was Moses. (4) 
The post-Mosaic elements are the result of annotation, at un- 
known dates, and by unknown editors. (5) a. Ezra and the 
scribes who succeeded him edited the hexateuch in its present 
form. b. No one knows how much or how little work they 
did on it. (6) The legislation is genuinely Mosaic, and the 
narratives are historical and trustworthy. 

46. The new view. — Held in opposition to the older tradi- 
tion, by certain well defined groups of scholars of the present 
century. (1) The pentateuch and Joshua form a unit — the 
hexateuch. (2) a. The hexateuch is not a continuous compo- 
sition, but was formed by putting together a large number of 
previously existing parts, b. At certain stages in the process 
of forming the hexateuch from the original materials, there 
existed four different earlier digests (sometimes designated J, 
E, D, P, see Qu. 47), each compiled from portions of the 
original sources ; the hexateuch was produced by combining 
the four. (3) a. Moses had more or less to do with the early 
history and legislation, and perhaps with the earliest written 
materials, but no other part in the authorship of the hexa- 
teuch. b. The defenders of this view agree that D was writ- 
ten in or near king Josiah's time, and was " the book of the 
law" found in the temple (2 Ki. xxii.8 sq. 2 Chron. xxxiv. 14 sq). 
c. They agree that J and E were earlier than D ; J having been 
made up from the written or oral traditions that had accumulat- 
ed at Bethel, Dan, Shechem, Hebron, Beer-sheba and other sanc- 
tuaries ; E being another collection of traditions on the same 
siibjects ; J and E having perhaps each been re- writ ten one 
or more times ; and, later, combined, forming J E. Kuenen 
dates J about 800 B. C, about the time of Amos, whom he 
regards as the earliest of the literary prophets, and E a gene- 
ration later. Others give other dates, cl. They agree that 
the body of writings called P was produced by the priests of 
Judah, but differ radically on the question whether they 
are earlier or later than D (see introduction to Schrader, 
and the works there referred to), e. They agree that the fi- 



THE FOUR DOCUMENTS. 19 



nal putting together of these writings to form the hexateuch 
was after the exile — in the time of Ezra or later. (4) Most of 
the post-Mosaic elements are genuine marks of the date of the 
passages where they occur, and prove these to be late in date. 
(5) a. Ezra and the scribes who succeeded him were in part 
the original authors, and in part the redactors of the hexa- 
teuch in its present form. b. They did so much, that it is 
practically to be regarded as their work. (6) As to how far 
the legislation is from Moses, and as to the historicity and 
trustworthiness of the narratives, the widest diversity of 
opinion prevails. 

47. The four documents. — The letters J, E, D, P, as used 
in the last section are explained as follows : a. The alleged 
digest of Israelite history designated J is so called because 
it prevailingly uses the name Yahweh (Jahweh) in speaking 
of Deity. That it is regarded as a Judaite document is a 
coincidence, b. E is so called as using prevailingly the name 
Elohim. It happens also that E is regarded as an Ephraim- 
ite document, c. These two digests of history are affirmed to 
have been combined into a document designated J E. d. 
Deuteronomy is indicated by D. e. The priestly laws with 
their accompanying narratives are indicated by P. As they 
are held to be of different dates, the successive strata are 
designated P 1 , P 2 , P 3 , etc., the principal document in 
this series being P 2 . A similar notation is also applied to 
the supposed successive strata of J, E, and D, but less 
regularly than to those of P. 

48. BotIi views traditional. — Most supporters of what is 
here called the new view, like most supporters of the old 
view, have not worked out the problems for themselves, but 
have accepted the vieAv that came to them by tradition. The 
fact that the new view is now old enough and prevalent 
enough to be widely accepted by tradition differentiates the 
present condition of the problem from its condition in the 
past. 

49. Divergency of opinion. — Among those who hold the old 
view, and still more among those who hold the new, there are 



20 THE QUESTIOX IN COMPACT FORM. 

great differences. Among the latter are very many reverent 
believers in supernatural religion, as well as many of an oppo- 
site type. In a brief outline, it is possible to describe either 
view onlv in a verv general wav. 

50. The true view. — It is a modification of the old view. 
(1) The hexateuch is the true unit, not the pentateuch. 
Here the new view is correct usee Qu. 38). (2) a. As to the 
general fact of composite structure the new view is correct 
(Qus. 39-43). (2) b. Its particular theory of composite struc- 
ture, that of the four documents, is not proved. Xumberless 
other hypotheses are possible. Any such theory is not easy 
either to x>rove or disprove. (3) In its doctrine that the differ- 
ent parts of the hexateuch and the hexateuch as a whole origi- 
nated at times centuries apart, and centuries after the death 
of Moses, the new view contradicts the evidence. This pre- 
ponderates in favor of the proposition that the hexateuch was 
produced by Moses and Joshua, or under their influence. 
within the lifetime of men who were associated with Moses. 
Moses and Joshua not merely furnish the subject, but are its 
authors, in the sense of being responsible for its existence as 
a literary work. (4) The new view is correct in holding that 
most of the alleged post-Mosaic elements are genuine marks of 
the date when the passages were written, but not correct in 
holding that this proves any later date than the one just men- 
tioned. (5 > There is no proof that Ezra and the scribes made 
any extensive changes. (6) The historical statements are 
trustworthy, and the legislation genuinely Mosaic. 

51. The test question. — We shall have to spend several lec- 
ture hours in examining evidence as to the truth of the state- 
ments just made. The question can be put compactly into 
this form : Did the hexateuch originate within the lifetime 
of men who knew Moses I 

52. Bibliography. — Several books have recently been pub- 
lished, showing the analysis into documents by graphic 
devices, for example : Die Genesis mit dusserer Unterschei- 
dungder Quellenschriften, by Kautzschand Socin : Genesis of 
Genesis, by Bacon ; Genesis printed in Colors, by Bissell : 



PREVALENCE OF THE NEW VIEW ACCOUNTED FOR. 21 



Triple Tradition of the Exodus, by Bacon ; The Documents of 
the Hexateuch, by Addis. Other recent works are Driver's 
Introduction, and The Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch, by 
Professor C. A. Briggs. For a sketch of the new view, see 
Prof. Briggs in Pres. Review, Jan., 1883. See also the intro- 
ductions in the Pulpit Commentary and other recent commen- 
taries that include the pentateuch ; the introduction to Schra- 
der's Cuneiform Inscrip>tions ; articles in the Britannica, and 
the American Supplement; articles by Chambers, Briggs, 
Green, H P. Smith, Curtiss, and Patton, in the Pres. Rev. 
for April, 1880. July, 1881, Jan., Apr. and July, 1882, April, 
1883 ; the chapters on the pentateuch in Harman's Introduc- 
tion. For fuller treatments of the questions involved, see 
Kuenen's Hexateuch, and Religion of Israel, W. R. Smith's 
Old Testament in the Jewish Church, Briggs' Biblical Study, 
Green's Moses and the Prophets, Stebbins' Study of the Pen- 
tateuch, Bissell on the Pentateuch, Moses and his Recent Crit- 
ics, Cave on Inspiration. For more minute work, see arti- 
cles by Bacon, and by Harper, Green, and others, in the Old 
Testament Student, and Hebraica, especially from April, 1888 
onward. The literature of the subject, as mentioned in these 
various articles and volumes would make a large library. 



LECTURE IX. 

The Hexateuch : Testimony of Deuteronomy. 

53. Is the question still open f — We need to settle this be- 
fore entering upon the examination of the evidence. The 
new view has become so prevalent of late years, that its advo 
cates regard the question as no longer open, any more than 
that of the law of gravitation. Can its prevalence be ac- 
counted for except on the hypothesis that it is true \ (1) The 
distinguished ability of its group of great men. (2) The fact 
that the old view is inadequate, and partly wrong, and the 
new view partly true. (3) The fact that the advocates of the 
new view are the attacking party : a. The attacking party 
attracts most attention, b. It takes time for the defending 
party to reinvestigate ; the strongest defense of the essential 



22 TESTIMONY OF DEUTERONOMY. 

parts of the old view has not yet been made. (4) In Europe, 
the appointment of men to eminent positions of scholarship is 
in the hands of the political leaders ; the trend of European 
politics is a nti- ecclesiastical ; and the old view of the hexa- 
teuch is the ecclesiastical view. Without pushing this argu- 
ment to any uncharitable length, it is certain that this state 
of things has its influence. (5) The mistaken methods of 
those who have defended the old view — the use of outcry and 
prosecution, instead of study and argument. False methods 
often help, when employed on the wrong side ; they always 
hinder, when employed on the right side. 

54. Analysis of Djuteronomy.^-The book consists of four 
addresses (i. 3-iv. 40, iv. 44-xxvi, xxvii-xxviii, xxix-xxx) ; 
two poems (xxxii. 1-43, xxxiii); with four bits of narrative 
(iv. 41-43, xxxi, xxxii. 44-52, xxxiv). 

55. The first discourse in Deuteronomy. — a. Its inscription 
declares that it is a divine "law' published by Moses at a 
specilied date (i. 3-5). b. The narrative following it appar- 
ently describes the occasion on which it was given, by Moses 
at the specified date (iv. 41-43 cf. iii. 12-17. c. It is called 
"this law'' in the body of it (iv. 8). d. Moses speaks in the 
first person, recapitulating events of his lifetime (i. 9, 12, 13, 
15, 20, ii. 26, iii. 12, iv. 14, 21, etc), e. First person plural 
(i. 19, ii. 1, iii. 1, etc.). /. Speaks to the persons headdresses 
as having been engaged in the events of the exodus (ibid, and 
i. 10, 14, 22. 26, 27, iii. 12, 18, iv. 11. 12, 23, etc), y. The 
burden of the address is that they shall be obedient to the 
laws given at Sinai, and that they shall not be afraid of giants 
(i. 28, ii. 10-12, 20-23, iii. 11), and this fits the date specified 
for the address. 

5i). The second discourse in Deuteronomy. — a. It consists of 
two parts, the first part consisting mainly of a recital of facts, 
with added exhortation (iv. 44-xi), and the second part of 
laws (xii-xxvi). b. It has an inscription (iv. 44-49), declar- 
ing it to be a divine "law'" given by Moses at nearly the 
same date with the previous discourse, c. As in the previous 
discourse (Qu. 55 d, e, f. g\ it assumes throughout that the 



TESTIMONY OF DEUTERONOMY. 23 

speaker and his auditors participated in the events of the 
exodus, d. The legislation is ostensibly given to take effect 
when Israel shall have crossed the Jordan (e. g. xi. 29, xii. 1, 
9-10, etc.), and it tits that situation and none later, and es- 
pecially not the time of Josiah (see Bissell). 

57. The third and fourth discourses. — We will count Deut. 
xxix. 1 (xxviii. 69 in Heb.) as the subscription to the dis- 
course that precedes it. If we counted it as the title of the 
discourse that follows it, that would make no difference, as 
the second of these is supplementary to the first (read the 
two, noticing the words covenant, blessing, curse). Call the 
two the Moabite Covenant Book. 

58. The third discourse. — a. Opens in the name of Moses 
(xxvii. 1). b. Continued in his name (9, 11). c. First per- 
sonal pronoun (xxvii. 1, 4, 10, xxviii. 1, 15, etc.). d. In con- 
nection with b and c note "this day," etc. e. The subscrip- 
tion attributes it to Moses, and dates it (Qu. 57). /. "This 
law "(xxvii. 3, 8, 26, xxviii. 5S, 61). g. Allusions to recent 
and coming events (xxvii. 2-8, 12. etc.). 

59. The fourth discourse.— a. Opens in the name of Moses 
(xxix. 2 [1]). b. First personal pronoun and " this day," etc. 
(xxix. 4, 5, 10, xxx. 1, 2, 11, 15, etc.). c. Allusions to recent 
and coming events (xxix. 2-9, xxx. 16. etc.). 

60. Orcd or written . — It is not absolutely said that Moses 
gave the first two of these four discourses in writing, though 
it is said that these are the discourses he gave. The third 
discourse requires a part of itself to be written hereafter 
(xxvii. 3. 8), and apparently claims to have been in writing 
when Moses gave it (xxviii. 58, 61). So, more fully, does the 
fourth (xxix. 20, 21, 27 [19, 20, 26] xxx. 10). 

61. The two poems. — In similar ways these both claim to 
be by Moses, or by him and Joshua, and of the same date 
with the discourses (xxxi. 19, 30, xxxii. 44, xxxiii. 1, etc.). 

62. The book of the law.— a. It is testified that Moses 
wrote a book with this title, and put it in a certain custody, 
to be used in a certain way (Deut. xxxi. 9-13, 24-26, xvii. 
18-20, 8-11). b. This book of the law is identifiable, in a 



24 TESTIMONY OF DEUTERONOMY. 



general way, at least, with Deuteronomy (ibid, and i. 5, iv. 
8, 44, xxvii. 3, 8, 26, xxviii. 58. 61, xxix. 21, [29 20, 28], xxx. 
10, xxxii. 46, xxxiii. 4, 10). 

63. Deuteronomy as a whole. — The title (i. 1-2) seems, on 
the face of it, to belong to the book as a whole. Its contents 
are here said to have been uttered by Moses in the Jordan 
valley and in the various regions through which Israel has 
passed, from Horeb to the Jordan valley. As interpreted by 
the specific titles that follow, this means that the contents of 
Deuteronomy were uttered by Moses at various times during 
the forty years of the exodus, but definitely published the 
last month of the forty years. 

64. The bearing of the testimony. — a. It is contained in 
passages that run through the several addresses and poems, and 
constitute their framework. Hence it cannot be accounted 
for as being the remnants of older materials that have been 
incorporated into our present writings, b. Either Moses is 
the author, or the book has throughout the literary form of a 
fiction. Fiction is a better word for this purpose than forgery. 
No other alternative need be considered, and the presump- 
tions are against its being fiction. If it is fiction, the case is 
without parallel, c. The hypothesis that it is fiction may or 
may not involve the idea that it is untruthful. 

65. Post-Mosaic elements. — For the sak« of compactness, 
we defer the examination of these. As to the alleged post- 
Mosaic elements in Deuteronomy, either, first, they are not 
real ; or, second, they are additions by a later hand ; or, third, 
they have weight in "favor of the fictional hypothesis. 



LECTURE X. 
The Hexateuch : Testimony of its Other Writings. 

66. Early history of the book of the law. — a. In the custody 
of the priests and elders (Qu. 62a). b. Kept beside the ark 
(Qu. 67b). c. Handed over to Joshua, and obeyed by him 
(Josh. i. 7-8, xxii. 5, etc.). d. Publicly read (Dent, xxvii. 
3-8 and Josh. viii. 32. Dent, xxvii. 26 and Josh. viii. 33-34, 
Dent. xxxi. 9, 11, 12 and Josh. viii. 35). e. Added to (Josh, 
xxiv. 25-28). 

67. It is differentiated from the two tables. — a. It was 
written by Moses, and they by God himself (Ex. xxiv. 12, 
xxxi. 18, xxxii. 15, 16, 19, xxxiv. 1, 4, 28 [he is Yahweh, and 
not Moses], 29, Dent. iv. 13, v. 22 [19], ix. 9-11, x. 1-5). b. 
The tables were in the ark, the law beside it, other things be- 
fore it (Dent. x. 2, 5, 1 Ki. viii. 9, 2 Chron. v. 10, 1 Sam. vi. 
19, and Ex xxv. 16, 21, xl. 20 ; Deut, xxxi. 9-13, 24-27, 
Josh. viii. 34-35, Deut. xvii. 18-19, 8-11 ; Ex. xvi. 33, 34, 
Num. xvii. 10, 4, Ex. xl. 4-5, 22-27, Heb. ix. 1-5). 

68. Other writings of Moses mentioned in the hexateuch. — 
a. "The book of the covenant," written by Moses after the 
" ten words" had been given orally, but before the two tables 
were given (Ex. xxiv. 3-8, Heb. ix. 19-20, Deut. iv. 14, v. 2- 
3, 31 [28], Ex. xxi. 1, and compare Ex xix, xx. 1, Deut. iv. 
12, v. 5, and context). Is Ex, xix-xxiii this book of the cov- 
enant \ b. Something written when the second pair of tables 
was given (Ex. xxxiv. 27, 32). c. "The book" — not "a 
book" (Ex. xvii. 14). d. "Their goings out" (Num. xxxiii. 
1-2). e. Very many matters attributed to Moses, but not ex- 
pressly said to have been written (Ex. xxv. 9, 40, xxvi. 30, 
xxvii. 8, Lev. vii. 37-38, etc., Num. i. 1, ii. 1, iii. 5, etc.). 
These include nearly the whole of the priestly legislation in 
Ex., Lev., and Num. 

69. Are the writings thus testified to the same with the 
hexateuch f — a. Were they sacred writings ? b. Were their 



26 TESTIMOMY OF THE POST EXILIAN BOOKS. 



contents largely the same with those of the present hexa- 
tench \ c. Were they the same throughout \ 

70. The fictional hypothesis.— a. The difficulties of this 
hypothesis increase in proportion as we try to extend it to 
these other writings, b. If it does not apply to the others, 
there is so much the less reason for applying it to Deut- 
eronomy. 



LECTURE XI. 
The Hexateuch : Later Testimony. 

71. The order of the argument. — We have found the hexa- 
teuch claiming that a body of writings, sacred in character, 
with contents generally the same with its own. a digest of the 
sacred institutions of Israel, was in existence in the times of 
Moses and Joshua. We are now to inquire whether this is 
confirmed by the later testimony. Can the history of these 
writings and institutions be traced continuously from these 
times ? In this question, the writings and the institutions are 
logically separable. We will follow first the history of the 
writings, and, later, that of the institutions, occasionally, 
however, using facts concerning the institutions in our consid- 
eration of the writings. It will be convenient now to begin 
with later times, and trace the testimony as to the writings 
backward to the times of Joshua. 

72. The postexilian books. — They testify to the existence 
of the hexateuch in substantially its present form, and attri- 
bute the laws to Moses (Neh. viii. 18, ix. 3, 6-25, and concor- 
dance). No one disputes that evidence like this is abundant 
in Ezra, Nehemiah, Chronicles, and the other latest books. 
a. It shows that the hexateuch, substantially as we now have 
it, existed when these books were written, b. That the au- 
thors of these books attributed it to the times of Moses and 
Joshua. See Moses and his Recent Critics pp. 182-192, 211- 
245, and articles on the postexilian history of Israel in Old 



THE LA VV-BOOK OF JOSIAH. 27 



and New Testament Student, July, 1889, to June, 1890, espe- 
cially Dec, 1889. 

73. Later testimony. — It is very abundant in the Apoc- 
rypha, the New Testament, and other writings. As specimens, 
read the New Testament passages where the name Moses 
occurs. Select and copy nine or ten that seem most to the 
poinr. No one disputes that in these times our hexateuch 
Avas complete, that the pentateuch was currently regarded as 
written by Moses, or that the New Testament men used with- 
out rebuke the current phrases in which this opinion was 
expressed. 

74. Time of Josiah. — Read with care the account of Josiah's 
reformation in 2 Ki. xxii-xxiii and 2 Chron. xxxiv-xxxv. a. 
The things in the book that was found which are said to have 
made an impression are things now found in Deuteronomy 
(xxii. 13, 16-19, etc.). b. The "book of the covenant'* 
which was read (2 Ki. xxiii. 2, 2 Chron xxxiv. 30) was rela- 
tively brief. It may well have been the Moabite covenant 
book now constituting Deut. xxvii-xxx (Dent. xxix. 1, 9, 12, 

14, 21, 25 [xxviii. 69. "xxix. 8, 11, 13, 20, 24] ) ; or it may pos- 
sibly have been a longer part of Deuteronomy, c. This book 
of the covenant was identical with either the whole or a part 
of the "book of the law" that was found in the temple, the 
second alternative being quite as probable as the first (2 Ki. 
xxii. 8, 10, 11, 13, 16, xxiii. 3, 21, 24, 25, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 14, 

15, 18, 19, xxxv. 26). d. The accounr nowhere either affirms or 
implies that this was the only copy of the book of the law 
then known to be in existence. On the contrary it affirms 
that Josiah had for some years been already engaged in the 
reforms required by this book. The excitement arose from 
its being a special copy, and not from its being the only copy. 
e. Whether the book found in the temple was a part of 
Deuteronomy, or the whole of Deuteronomy, or the penta- 
teuch, or a collection of the sacred writings up to Isaiah's 
time, in any case, the narrative in Chronicles recognizes other 
parts of the hexateuch as then in existence, as well as the 
ritual writings of the times of David (xxxv. 1-18. f. These 



28 TESTIMONY OF PREEXILIAN TIMES. 

narratives give us to understand that the book that was 
found dated from Moses ; though in this instance the fictional 
hypothesis would serve with less difficulty than in most of 
the other instances. 



LECTURE XII. 
The Hexateuch : Later Testimony — Continued. 

75. Other testimony from the books of Kings. — Read the 
books, noting especially instances that are to the point (e. g. 
1 Ki. ii. 3, viii. 9. 53, 56-57, 2 Ki. x. 31, xii. 2 [3], xiv. 6, xvii. 
13, 34, 37, 27-28, xviii. 4, 6, 12, xxi. 7-8). a. They represent 
that the written law of Moses was in operation from the time 
of David onward, b. They attribute the law to Moses him- 
self, c. So far as they identify the law, it includes the hexa- 
teuch —prevailingly Deuteronomy (See Moses, etc., pp. 192- 
200). 

76. Witness of the preexilian prophets. — Read them 
through, or use a concordance, and note what they have to 
say about torah, written torah, Moses, the torah of Moses. 
Thus verify the proposition : They were familiar with sacred 
writings, anions; which were writings which thev attributed 
to the times of Moses and Joshua ; and the contents of the 
latter can be partly, and perhaps entirely identified with 
tliose of our hexateuch. 

To break this conclusion, the advocates of the new view set 
aside the portions of these writings that are richest in testi- 
mony of this sort, as being later writings, or interpolations. 
They do not dispute that the parts thus set aside abundantly 
recognize the hexateuch and its institutions. Of the prophets 
earlier than Jeremiah, the parts which Kuenen retains slight- 
ly exceed in bulk the gospel by Luke. These parts use the 
noun torah about ten times, and the verb as many more, and 
in the other usual ways recognize the earlier writings (Am. ii. 
4, Hos. iv. 6, viii. 1, Isa, i. 10, ii. 3, v, 24, viii. 16, 20, xxx. 9, 



TESTIMONY OF PREEXILIAN TIMES. 29 



Mic. iv. 2, and Isa. ii. 3, xxx. 20, ix. 15 [14], Hos. x. 12, 
Mic. iii. 11, iv. 2, etc.). Even in these selected parts, is the 
recognition of the written law of Moses any less full or less 
explicit than it is in the gospel by Luke ( (Pres. Rev. for 
Oct. 1882, page 731 sq.). 

It cannot be proved that these prophets habitually use the 
term law as equivalent to our term pentateuch. They use 
both the noun and the verb in a sense wide enough to include 
all written revelation given through prox>hets, and, perhaps, 
oral revelation also. All the same, their torah included the 
writings which they counted as coming from Moses. To 
them, Moses was the beginner of the whole line of revelation 
through prophets, and not of the pentateuch merely. 

77. Witness of the psalms. — a. Certain psalms are by their 
titles, or by the testimony of other writings (especially 1 
Chron. xvi, and the New Testament), attributed to David, or 
to his contemporaries, Asaph, Heman, Ethan ; and nothing in 
their contents discredits this. b. These often mention torah, 
commonly meaning written divine revelation given through 
prophets ; and they so refer to the contents of the hexateuch 
as to identify them as torah, and connect them with Moses 
and his times (xix. 7 [8], xxxvii. 31, xl. 8 [9], lxxviii. 1, 5, 
10, lxxxix. 30 [31], cv. 45 ; the verb, xxv. 8, 12, xxvii. 11, 
xxxii. 8, lxxxvi. 11.) c. They habitually cite hexateuchal 
phraseology (Ps. iv. 5 [6], Deut. xxxiii. 19 ; Ps. xviii. 15 [16], 
Ex. xv. 8 ; Ps. xxxiii, especially 9, Gen. i. especially 3, 6, 
etc., and hundreds of other instances), d. Some of them re- 
capitulate the hexateuchal narratives {cv [1 Chron. xvi. 7-22], 
cvi [1 Chron. xvi. 7, 34-36], lxxvii, lxxviii, lxxx, lxxxi). e. 
Whether or no all these psalms are of the time of David, the 
testimony of the psalms to the early origin of the hexateuch 
can be got rid of only by affirming the very late origin of sub- 
stantially all the psalms. 

78. Witness of Judges, Ruth and Samuel. — It is alleged 
that the silence of these books, and the nature of the institu- 
tions they describe, discredit the testimony of the later books. 
The argument from the institutions will come later. What 



80 TESTIMONY OF PREEXILIAN TIMES. 

we have to do now is to show that these books are not suspi- 
ciously silent. (1) Verify the following assertions, which are 
frequently made : a. These books do not formally cite older 
writings, as do Kings and Chronicles (e. g. 2 Ki. xv. 31.) b. 
They mention no writings whatever (2 Sam. i. 18, xi. 14-15, 
viii. 16-17. xx. 24-25, 1 Sam. x. 25, xxi. 13, Jud. viii. 14, v. 
14). c. They do not so much as mention the torah (2 Sam. 
vii. 19, Jud. xiii. 8, 1 Sam. xii. 23, all in the Hebrew). (2) 
Verify the following : a. They frequently make verbal quo- 
tations from the hexateuch (2 Sam. vii. 1, 11, Deut. xii. 10 
cf. Deut. xxv. 19, iii. 20, Josh. i. 13, xxii. 4, xxi. 44, xxiii. 1 
Heb. iv. 8 ; 2 Sam. vii. 12, Gen. xv. 4 ; 2 Sam. vii. 24, Deut 
xxvi. 17-18, Lev. xxvi. 45, Gen. xvii. 7 ; 1 Sam. viii. 3, 5 
Deut. xvi. 19, xvii. 14 ; Jud. ii. 1-3 is made up of eight or 
more phrases from the hexateuch [Ex. iii. 17. Deut. vi. 10, 
Lev. xxvi. 44, etc ] ; Jud. ii. 6-10, Josh. xxiv. 28-31 ; Jud. i. 
compared with Josh. ; Jud. xi. 12-28, Num. xx, xxi ; and 
many other instances), b. They presuppose institutions and 
historical facts mentioned in the hexateuch ; look up from 
three to ten instances of each. (3) a. Are the citations gen- 
uine, or mere accidental resemblances of phraseology \ b. Do 
these books cite the hexateuch % or the hexateuch these 
books ( or both a common source \ c. Are the citation pass- 
ages to be accounted for as interpolations \ (Moses, etc.. pp. 
200-209). 

79. What this testimony amounts to. — a. There is a great 
deal of it, and its quantity might be indefinitely increased by 
citing additional witnesses and details, b. It is respectable 
and credible, even from the point of view of those who regard 
it as least so. c. On the face of it, it seems to be perfectly 
explicit, affirming that the substantial contents of the hexa- 
teuch have been in existence in literary form from the times 
of the events it recounts, and thus excluding the fictional 
hypothesis. 



LECTURE XIII. 
The Hexateuch : The Literary Argument. 

80. Urged on both sides. — The argument from the general 
literary character of the first six books of the bible has always 
been urged in proof of their early origin ; and it is still to be 
used, though it is also strongly pressed on the other side of 
the question. 

81. No pentateuch mentioned in the bible. — The Old and 
New Testaments, in marked contrast with the patristic and 
rabbinical writings, are silent as to the number and the titles 
of the books of Moses. Does this materially affect the evi- 
dence in the case % 

82. The literary sameness of the Old Testament. — It is alleg- 
ed that the earliest Old Testament writings differ too little 
from the latest to have been written more than 1000 years 
earlier, a. If this were a fact, it might be accounted for by 
processes of assimilation, when the alphabet was changed, b. 
The differences between the earlier and later Hebrew of the 
Old Testament are distinct, though less so than in the western 
languages. 

83. The variety of style. — It is alleged that the differences 
of literary character are so great, in different parts of the 
hexateuch, as to indicate that they are by different authors, 
of different historical periods. (1) The differences are really 
quite marked. (2) On the supposition that the hexateuch 
was completed within the lifetime of the associates of Moses 
several things go to account for the differences, a. A man 
writes differently on different subjects, and especially in dif- 
ferent classes of composition, b. A man's style changes as 
he grows older, c. There is no telling how many older pa- 
pers may have been incorporated ; compilation was possible 
in early times, as well as later, d. In writing, and especially 
in writing laws, orders, etc., and digesting older documents, 
public men like Moses, Joshua, and Phinehas are likely to 



32 THE LITERARY ARGUMENT^ 

have employed, not merely amanuenses, but secretaries. (3) 
That the differences are such as to indicate that the authors 
lived in different ages is incapable of proof (Qu. 82). (4) Of 
course, the accounts were written later than the events, and 
put together later than the date when they were written ; but 
so far as appears, not much later. 

84. Deuteronomy and Jeremiah.— Jeremiah was contempo- 
rary with Josiah. There are very marked literary resem- 
blances between his prophecies and Deuteronomy, whence it 
has been inferred that they originated in the same generation. 
a. But the resemblances may be accounted for by the explan- 
ation, based on historical facts, that the Deuteronomic legis- 
lation was then so much studied as to affect the literary style 
of the period, b. The literary differences between Jeremiah 
and Deuteronomy are as sharp as the resemblances (see 
Mitchell's Gesenius' Grammar, Introduction, sec. 2.5), Deut- 
eronomy bearing marks of archaic style, c. If Deuteronomy 
has a fictional form, this originated with the men of Josiah' s 
time. On this hypothesis, they not merely wrote in the name 
of Moses, but wrote in a style of Hebrew earlier than any 
Hebrew literature to which they can be supposed to have had 
access. That they had the literary skill requisite for this is 
difficult to believe. If it be accounted for by supposing that 
they incorporated genuinely ancient documents, then there is 
no reason for doubting that these constituted the bulk of 
Deuteronomy, or, in other words, that Deuteronomy is sub- 
stantially from Moses. 

85. The priest code and the post exilian books.— These bear 
strong literary resemblances, a. The resemblances may be 
accounted for by the fact that Ezekiel, Ezra. Nehemiah and 
the others were greatly interested in the priestly legislation 
so that their style was influenced thereby, b. These writings 
have other classes of peculiarities, mainlv of the nature of 
modernisms, from which all parts of the hexateuch are free. 
c. The hexateuch has peculiarities, largely of the nature of 
archaisms, which do not appear in the postexilian books, d. 



AUTHORSHIP DEFINED. 33 

If the fictional hypothesis be adopted, it must be so extended 
as to affirm that for 250 years men kept up this business of 
writing books in archaic style in the name of Moses, an affirm- 
ation which is incredible 



LECTURE XIV. 
The Hexateuch : The Argument Thus Far. 

86. Authorship defined. — Thus far, we have given what 
time we can afford to the arguments that are commonly cited 
in proof that Moses and Joshua wrote the hexateuch. We 
are soon to take up the arguments on the other side, but we 
need first to define the question a little more close] y. We 
have found that the hexateuch is not of originally continuous 
composition, but a body of originally separate writings that 
have been put together. Moses and Joshua are presented to 
us as the overburdened chief magistrates of a nation, at a 
critical period in its history. To them the testimony attri- 
butes these writings, though much less voluminously to 
Joshua than to Moses. 

On this basis, what is the natural meaning of the proposi- 
tion that Moses and Joshua wrote the hexateuch \ Did they 
write it as a scholar in a cell writes a book \ or as a busy chief 
magistrate causes documents of public interest to be written % 
Obviously, the latter is the natural understanding. Doubtless 
they were literary men, and wrote some things with their own 
hands. But presumably they also employed clerks and sec- 
retaries as well as amanuenses ; had reports and papers 
drawn up by other men ; gathered older documents. More 
likely than not they left these writings to be edited and sup- 
plemented by their associates after their death. With all 
these helping processes, Moses and Joshua would still be the 
proper authors of this body of literature, in the sense of be- 
ing the persons mainly responsible for its existence as litera- 
ture. And it is essential to a correct view of the matter that 



34 THREE HYPOTHESES. 

we recognize the fact that this is the kind of authorship to 
be expected from them in the circumstances. If they were 
the authors at all, it is not merely possible that their author- 
ship was of this kind ; it would be remarkable if it were not 
of this kind. 

87. Three generic hypotheses — not two. — What has just 
been said is so important that we may repeat it in another 
form. (1) Only to a very limited extent is any direct proof 
claimed of the validity of the New View. Its advocates 
mainly rely on the argument that, regarded as a hypothesis, 
it will account for the phenomena better than any other 
hypothesis. (2) The number of possible specific hypo- 
theses is unlimited, but, for present practical purposes, they 
may be generically classified as three : a. Suppose Moses to 
have written the pentateuch continuously, perhaps using older 
documents for the history before his time, the post-Mosaic 
elements being later annotations, b. Suppose the current 
hexateuchal analysis doctrine to be true. c. Suppose that 
Moses, when he died, left writings, largely written by him- 
self, but partly written by others under his direction, or col- 
lected, and that these were supplemented and arranged in the 
form of the hexateuch, after his death, by one or more of his 
associates. (3) It is a fallacy of much of the current reason- 
ing on the subject that it assumes that a and b are the only 
possible hypotheses. This is not the case. Either of them 
might sapposably be more probable than the other, and yet 
be very improbable. As a matter of fact, hypothesis c tits the 
phenomena better than either of the others. 

88. Phinehas the grandson of Aaron. — At this point, his 
name is very important. According to the bible, he was, 
next to Moses and Joshua, the most prominent man of the 
hexateuchal times. Whatever was done to the sacred writ- 
ings before his death was done within the lifetime of a promi- 
nent contemporary and associate of Moses ; though he may 
have survived Moses sixty years or more. As highpriest, he 
was chief custodian of the book of the law, after the death of 
Moses and Eleazar (Num. xxv. 7, 11, xxxi. 6, Ps. cvi. 30, 



ACCOUNTING FOR THE TESTIMONY. 35 



Josh. xxii. 13, 30, 31. 32, xxiv. 20-33, xix. 47 cf. Jud. xviii. 
29, and xx. 1, 28, Jud. i-iii, xvii-xviii, xix-xxi). 

89. How to account for the testimony. — The testimony we 
have been considering is an important part of the evidence in 
the case. Wo view can be accepted which fails to account for 
this part of the evidence — in other words, to answer the ques- 
tion : How does it happen that this testimony exists ? It is 
completely accounted for if the hexateuch was written by 
Moses and Joshua and their contemporaries working linger 
their influence (S. S. World, Nov. 1888, page 391 sq. ; "Pen- 
tateuch," in Amer. Sup. to Encyc, Brit.) 

90. Can it be probably accounted for in the new view f — (1) 
As indicating something less than authorship, e. g. that Moses 
is the subject chiefly treated in the pentateuch, instead of be- 
ing its author \ (2) Can the language of Jesus and the other 
New Testament witnesses be naturally accounted for by say- 
ing that they do not properly testify to the authorship of the 
hexateuch, but merely transmit the view that has come down 
to them from preceding generations ? That is, in making the 
statement do they indorse it, or merely transmit it ? (3) Can 
the testimony found in the hexateuch itself, and in other 
writings (the books of Kings, for example) alleged to be near- 
ly contemporaneous, be probably accounted for : a. As fraud, 
pious or otherwise % b. As due to the combined ignorance 
and prejudice, perhaps honest, of the writers 1 c. As fiction % 
cl. By some combination of these 1 (4) Can the testimony of 
Judges, Ruth, Samuel, the Davidic psalms, Proverbs, and 
the earliest Prophets be properly acounted for : a. As indi- 
cating that these writings are later than they purport to be % 
b. As interpolations % c'. Is it likely that nearly every ex- 
tant work of a whole national literature has been either 
chronologically misplaced, or rewritten with great changes, 
or both ? 

91. The point now reached. — The testimony to* the early 
origin of the hexateuch is so strong that it cannot be set aside 
except by following the most extreme and improbable hy- 
potheses. It is barely possible that it might be accounted for 



36 HISTORICAL TRUSTWORTHINESS. 

without discrediting the witnesses, if we had positively con- 
clusive proof against the early origin of the hexateuch. But 
until we find such proof the testimony must stand. 



LECTURE XV. 
The Hexateuch : Historicity of the Testimony. 

92. The case on the other side. — In attacking the conclu- 
sions we have reached from the testimony, the advocates of 
the new view rely chiefly upon four classes of arguments, a. 
They impugn the historicity of the testimony, b. They allege 
the existence of post-Mosaic elements, disproving the conclu- 
sions we have drawn, c. They argue that the history of the 
institutions of Israel, as learned from the several books of 
the Old Testament, is such as to prove that the hexateuchal 
writings, describing those institutions, cannot have originated 
till a late period in the history, d. They affirm that the same 
conclusion follows from the phenomena disclosed by the liter- 
ary analysis of the writings. 

These arguments have been elaborated with admirable in- 
dustry, and at great length. We can only look at them brief- 
ly. The present lecture will consider the first, and subsequent 
lectures the others. 

93. The historicity of the testimony. — As we have seen, the 
testimony is decisive provided we take it at what seems to be 
its face value. Our opponents must show either that we have 
mistaken the meaning, or that the testimony is itself untrust- 
worthy. Many of them lay stress on the alleged partly unhis- 
torical character of the records we quote. They do not neces- 
sarily imply that any part of the Old Testament is untruthful, 
though some of them do in fact hold this ; but rather that 
there are in it elements of fiction, which we have mistaken for 
fact. 

We cannot disc ass this at length. Strictly speaking, our 
point of view absolves us from discussing it (Qu. 8). But cer- 
tain points it is well to touch. 



THE RECORDS TRUSTWORTHY. 37 

94. Suppose that there are unhistorical elements. — a. 
Whether their presence would impugn the authority of 
the records would depend on their nature. Christ taught 
in parables, b. If the writings were proved not merely 
to contain unhistorical elements, but to be actually un- 
trustworthy in some points, that would not so discredit 
their evidence as to the point in hand but that it ought to be 
considered and tested ; and the evidence we have examined 
consists so largely of incidental statements, and includes so 
much of th.3 element of apparently undersigned coincidences, 
as to entitle it to respect, independently of other considera- 
tions. Even without discussing the historicity of the scrip- 
tures, we are entitled to use their testimony to the point in 
hand, except as it can be disproved by evidence. 

95. Lack of historicity not proved. — a. Much the strongest 
argument alleged against the historicity of these books is the 
assertion that such accounts as those of the crossing of the 
Red Sea or of the Jordan, or that of the four encampments in 
the wilderness, are incredible in the nature of things ; doubt- 
less they are so, on the baby-story understanding of them, but 
not when intelligently understood, b. It is alleged that many 
passages contain contradictory accounts of the same events, 
and therefore are not to be depended upon (Gen. vi. 18-20 and 
vii. 2, 3 ; xxi. 31 and xxvi. 33 ; Num, xxii-xxiv. and xxxi. 
8-16 ; Ex. xxxii. 28 and 30, etc.). But there is no improba- 
bility in the idea that events of a certain character should 
repeat themselves, with slight differences ; and there is no 
difficulty in so understanding all these narratives, that the 
discrepancies vanish, c. In these lectures, we have consulted 
the Old Testament many hundreds of times, in search of mat- 
ters oi fact, and have found always the appearance of trust- 
worthiness. This argument is positive, and not merely nega- 
tive, when we consider the nature of the statements. If we 
continue to rind this state of things, we apply the best possi- 
ble test of historicity to these writings. On the basis of these 
and other reasons, the charge of historical untrustworthiness 
can safely be denied. 



LECTURE XVI. 
The Hexatetjch : Post-Mosaic Elements. 

96. lite argument. — We are now to look at the passages in 
the hexateuch which are adduced as referring to events later 
than the time of Moses and Joshua, and as therefore proving 
the later date of these writings. There are some hundreds of 
these, falling into about fifty groups. 

97. Not a new thing. — The recognition of these instances is 
not a recent device of the advocates of the new views on the 
bible. Most of the instances have been noticed in the church 
traditions of the past, and explained as either predictive, or 
as annotations by later and unknown hands. 

98. Points to notice.— In each of the following instances, 
answer three questions : a. Is the fact mentioned certainly 
later than the death of Moses i b. Is it certainly later than 
the death of Phinehas % e. Is the passage properly a part of 
the text ? or is it a note ? 

99. Classification. — The addresses in Deuteronomy, and 
any other writings that are personally ascribed to Moses or 
Joshua, stand on a different footing from the rest of the hexa- 
teuch. This fact is considered in the order here adopted. 

100. Unproven instances wholly or partly Deuteronomic. — (1) 
" As Israel has done to the land of his possession" (Dent. ii. 
12. (2) "Within thy gates 1 ' (Ex. xx. 10. Dent. v. 14, xii. 
12, and many places). (3) Removing landmarks (Deut. xix. 
14). (4) Military enlistments (Deut. xx. 5-9). (o) Return 
to Egypt "in ships" (Deut. xxviii. 6S cf. Jer. xliii. 7). (6) 
What is said about kings over Israel (Deut. xvii. 14-20. 
xxviii. 36, Gen. xvii. 6, 16. xxxv. 11, xxxvi. 31). (7) Central 
judiciary (Deut. xvii. 8 sq., 2 Chron. xix. 8-11). (8) The law 
for one central altar < Deut. xii. and elsewhere). It is alleged 
that Israel had many altars till Hezekiah's time. This will 
be considered when Ave reach the subject of the institutions of 
Israel. At present, it is sufficient to say that Deuteronomy 



ALLEGED LATER ELEMENTS. 39 

speaks of the central altar as a requirement, and not as an 
accomplished fact. (9) "Host of heaven" (Dent. iv. 19, 
xvii. 3). Is this necessarily a late form of idolatry % (10) The 
prohibiting of massebJioth (Deut. xvi. 22, Lev. xxvi. 1), as 
distinguished from that of the worship of the false gods (Deut. 
vii. 5, xii. 3, etc.), and in alleged contrast with Isa. xix. 19, 
Ex. xxiv. 4, Gen. xxviii. 18, 22, etc. (11) Tribute service 
(Deut. xx. 11, Ex. i. 11). (12) Og's bedstead (Deut. iii. 11). 
(13) Hermon, Sirion, Senir (Deut. iii. 9). (14) "Across the 
Jordan" for east of Jordan (Deut. i. 1 and many other places). 
Cf. " beyond Jordan " of the New Testament, or the current 
expression " trans- jordanic." (15) "Negebward " for south 
(Ex. xxvi. 18, xxvii. 9, etc.). (16) "Seaward" for westward 
(Deut. iii. 27, Gen. xii. 8 and fourteen other places). These 
three geographical terms indicate, not that the author was in 
Palestine west of the Jordan wdien he wrote, but that the 
Hebrew language originated there. (17) Gfilgal (Deut. xi. 30, 
Josh. v. 9). 

101. Other unproven instances. — (18) "The Canaanite being 
then in the laud" (Gen. xii. 6, xiii. 7). (19) "While the 
sons of Israel were in the wilderness" (Num. xv. 32). (20) 
" The land of the Hebrews " (Gen. xl. 15). (21) The gap in 
the chronology (Num. xx. 1). (22) The condition of Assyria 
and Nineveh, when these writings were made (Gen. ii. 14, x. 
11-12, xxv. 18). (23) "The mountain of Yahweh " (Gen. 
xxii. 14). (24) Like phraseology (Ex. xv. 13, 17). (25) The 
Edomite kings (Gen. xxxvi, especially verse 31). a. Are any 
kings mentioned here who are later than the events of the 
hexateuch ? b. Does the passage imply that there were kings 
in Israel before it was written ? See (6) above. (26) Agag 
(Num. xxiv. 7). (27) Jerusalem (Josh. x. 1 and eight other 
places). The name is in the El-amarna tablets. (28) Cabul 
(Josh. xix. 27, 1 Ki. ix. 13). (29) The conquests of Caleb 
(Josh. xv. 13-19, Jud. i. 8-15 cf. Josh. x. 36-39). 



LECTURE XVII. 
The Hexateuch : Late Elements — Continued. 

102. Some really late events referred to. — Of the passages 
thus far cited, none can be proved to refer to events later than 
Joshua, and no pentateuchal passages to events later than 
Moses ; though, men's judgments differs in regard to some of 
them. But the relatively late date of most of the following 
instances is beyond dispute. 

103. Instances from sixrh book. — (30) Death of Joshua and 
the elders (Josh. xxiv. 29, 31, 33). (31) Capture and naming 
of Dan (xix. 47 cf. Jud. xviii. and xx. 1, 28). (32) "Hill coun- 
try of Israel and its lowland," ' ; Hill country of Judah, and 
* * •* hill country of Israel" (xi. 16, 21). (33)' The Canaanites 
dwelling in the midst of Israel, and the whole matter of mas, 
or tribute service (Josh. xv. 63, xvi. 10, xvii. 13, Gen. xlix. 
15, Ex. i. 11, Dent. xx. 11. Compare 1 Ki. v. 13-14 [27-28], 
ix. 15, 21, etc. and Jud. xix. 11, ii. 1-5, Josh. ix). Have we 
here proof that these parts of the hexateuch are later than 
Solomon \ (34) The book of Jashar (Josh. x. 13, 2 Sam. i. 
18). 

104. Geographical Names. — (35) Dan (Deut. xxxiv. 1, Gen. 
xiv. 14). (36) Bethel and Luz (concordance). (37) " Luz 
which is the land of Canaan" (Gen. xxxv. 6, Jud. i. 26). (38) 
Ephrath, Ephratah (Gen. xxxv. 16, 19, xlviii. 7, 1 Chron. ii. 
19, 50, iv. 4). (39) Hormah (Deut. i. 44, Num. xiv. 45, xxi. 
3, Jud. i. 17). (40) Hebron (concordance). (41) Debir (Josh. 
x. 38, 39, etc. cf. xv. 15, 49, Jud. i. 11). (42) The list of 
names in Num. xxvi. (43) Havvoth Jair (Deut. iii. 14, Num. 
xxxii. 41, Jud. x. 4). 

105. Other instances. — (44) The manna (Ex. xvi) : a. Does 
the giving of details prove that the author was later than the 
events (xvi. 31)? b. Was he alive when the manna ceased 
(35, Josh. v. 12) % (45) Death of Moses (Deut. xxxiv. 5). (46) 
." Not a prophet since," etc. (Deut. xxxiv. 10). (47) Passages 



ALLEGED LATER ELEMENTS. 41 

where "until this day" occurs, a. In Gen. xlviii. 15, Ex. x. 
6, Josh. xxii. 3, 17, xxiii. 8, 9, the phrase indicates a date in 
the times of Joshua or earlier, b. How is it in Gen. xxii. 14, 
xxvi. 33, xxxv. 20, xlvii. 26, Dent. ii. 22, iii. 14, xxxiv. 6, 
Josh. vii. 21 viii. 28, 29, ix. 27, x. 27, xiii. 13, xiv. 14, xv. 63, 
xvi. 10 ? (48) Passages where Moses is spoken of in the third 
person. He may have been the author. What is the proba- 
bility? (49) Pentateuchal passages that compliment Moses 
(Num. xii. 3, Deut. xxxiv. 10, etc.). 

106. The creation and flood narratives. — (50) To these there 
are parallel Babylonian accounts, transmitted to us through 
Assyrian sources, differing from the Hebrew accounts mainly 
by the presence of polytheistic and grotesque elements. It is 
held that our bible narratives are these Babylonian accounts 
purified, and therefore date from the time of the Assyrian 
contact with Israel in the reign of Ahab and later, a. Israel 
was in contact with Babylonia from the days of Abraham, b. 
The more probable theory is that the biblical accounts are 
nearest the original form, the Babylonian accounts being 
corruptions. 

107. Conclusion. — There is much difference of opinion in 
regard to many of the instances ; it seems evident, however, 
that elements later than the life of Moses are scattered through 
the six books. They are so numerous that they cannot be 
regarded as annotations of unknown date, without seriously 
impugning the integrity of the writings. They affect all the 
books. Few of them, however, perhaps none, are of later 
date than the lifetime of Phinehas. 

This is not merely a refutation of objections, but is of the 
nature of positive evidence that the hexateuch was completed 
at about that date. If the date were later, marks of it would 
appear, just as the marks of the events up to the time of 
Phinehas appear in the narratives concerning the patriarchs, 



LECTURE XVIII. 
The Hexatelch : Israelitish Institutions. 

108. Division of the subject. — The argument from the insti- 
tutions of Israel against the early date of the liexatench is 
drawn in part from general analogies and general statements 
of the bible, and in part from the history as specifically re- 
corded. 

109. The law that institutions grow. — It is argued that if 
these books are the work of Moses and Joshua, they represent 
the Mosaic institutions as coming suddenly into existence, 
and are therefore false, since such institutions must have 
arisen by growth. a. God can originate institutions by 
miracle, if he chooses, b. There were ages enough before 
Moses for the growth of these institutions. 

110. The law of the order of development in religion. — It is 
alleged that an elaborate ritual in a religion indicates a later 
stage of development than its prophetic, creative period ; and 
therefore that the Israelitish ceremonial law must date, not 
from the time of the beginning, under Moses, but from the 
times of the exile, and later. But a. As the religion of Israel 
is admitted to be in many particulars exceptional, no one can 
deny beforehand that it may be exceptional in this particular. 
That is, no one is qualified to say that it may not have started 
with an elaborate ritual, b. If the Mosaic period began a 
cycle of religious development, then it also closed an older 
cycle. It is not incredible that this older cycle closed, at the 
olose of the sojourn in ritualistic Egypt, with the formulating 
of elaborate ceremonial laws, even if these laws were largely 
neglected, afterward, until the. later stages in a new cycle of 
religious movement. 

111. Cert ah i a Tie ged sweeping sta tements.—a Does Neh . viii . 
17 affirm that the feast of tabernacles properly originated in 
the time of Nehemiah \ b. Does 2 Chron xxxv. 18 affirm 
that the complete form of the passover feast did not exist til] 



INSTITUTIONS. 43 



Josiahr s time \ c. Does Am. v. 25 teach that the pentateuchal 
sacrifices did not exist in the time of Moses? d. How much 
weight have statements of this kind for reversing the direct 
testimony that the hexateuch originated with Moses and 
Joshua \ 

112. The argument' from the specific history of the institu- 
tions of Israel. — It is alleged : a. That the other Old Testa- 
ment books do not mention the peculiar institutions of the 
hexateuch, till they reach the times of the later Jewish-kings. 
b. That the institutions they mention as existing earlier are 
incompatible with those of the hexateuch. c. It is inferred 
that these institutions, and the books describing them, came 
into existence during the times of those kings. 

113. Auxiliary argument from development. — It is alleged 
that the gradual development of the hexatenchal institutions, 
in these later times, can be traced : a. The legislation of J and 
E to the times before Hezekiah and Josiah. b. That peculiar 
to Deuteronomy to these times and later, c. According to 
one view, the priestly legislation begins with Ezekiel ; accord- 
ing to another, Ezek. xl-xlviii (B. C. 572, during the 70 years 
of exile) is a defence of the ancient priestly legislation against 
Deuteronom.ic innovations. 

114. Things not claimed in this argument. — Or, if claimed, 
the claim is too weak to deserve consideration, a. It is not 
claimed that no institutions mentioned in the hexateuch are 
spoken of in the accounts of the judges and earlier kings. 
These institutions are frequently spoken of there ; but those 
who press this argument say that they existed, in the earlier 
times, not as the products of the hexatenchal system, but as 
elements, out of which that system was afterward formed. 
b. It is not claimed that the books as they stand fail to testi- 
fy either to the hexateuch or to its institutions. The claim 
is that the parts of the bible that testify thus are either later 
than they seem to be, or else have been subjected to interpola- 
tion. 



LECTURE XIX. 
The Hexateuch : Institutions — Continued. 

115. The scope of this argument . — It is regarded as cumula- 
tive, being based independently on each of the great institu- 
tions, that is, the sacrifices, the priesthood, the sabbath and 
the national feasts, and also on others less important. We 
cannot go over the whole ground, but will take up first one or 
two minor institutions, and then the great case of the central 
sanctuary. 

116. The goel and the cities of refuge. — (1 ) Look up this word 
(redeem, redeemer, redemption, kinsman, avenger, revenger). 

a. In the hexateuch. b. In 2 Sam. iii. 27, xiv. 11, Ruth, and 
the ostensibly Davidic psalms, c. In 1 Ki. xvi. 11, and the 
other books. (2) Make a list of points as to the duties of the 
goel, and the use of the word : a. In the hexateuch. b. In 
the times of Ruth and David, c. In the later times. (3) a. 
Points in which the hexateuchal goel differs from the others. 

b. Do the differences prove it to be impossible that the hex- 
ateuchal passages were written earlier than the others 1 (4) 
Add a similar treatment of the cities of refuge. 

117. The Nazirite. — Num. vi. cf. Lev. xxv. 5, 11, Gen. xlix. 
26, Deut. xxxiii. 16. Compare with Jud. xiii. 5, 7, xvi. 17, 
Am. ii. 11, 12, Lam. iv. 7, and the whole account of Samson 
and Samuel. Analyze as in 116. 

118. Two mistaken ideas of interpretation.— In studying 
these three cases, and the more important case now to be 
taken up, we need to guard against two errors that have been 
made in the interests of orthodox Christianity, and that are 
now strongly used in attacking those interests. (1) It is 
sometimes said, for the purpose of magnifying the miraculous 
element in revelation, that the Mosaic institutions came sud- 
denly into being, and were new throughout, Israel having 
come out of Egypt an unorganized mob. On the contrary, 
the scripture account is that these, in every department, in- 



INSTITUTIONS. 45 



corporate previously existing elements into themselves. (2) 
For the purpose of magnifying the freedom of Christianity, 
as contrasted with the older dispensation, stress is often laid 
upon a certain supposed preternatural rigidness with which 
the pentateuchal laws are to be interpreted. This is contrary 
to the whole genius of the Old Testament. The Mosaic leg- 
islation should be understood by a liberal, common sense in- 
terpretation. 



LECTURE XX. 
The Hexateuch : Institutions — Continued. 

119. — Argument from central sanctuary. — If the hexateuch 
was substantially completed within the lifetime of a contem- 
porary of Moses, then the Mosaic law for a single sanctuary 
(the centre for the sacrifices, the priesthood, and the yearly 
festivals) was in existence throughout the period of the 
judges, and every succeeding period. But it is alleged that 
the history of the judges is not merely silent concerning a 
central sanctuary, but positively disproves its existence in 
those times ; and that in the subsequent history the idea can 
be traced as gradually developing, until the sanctuary in its 
completeness was established by Hezekiah and Josiah. It is 
therefore argued that the legislation defining the central sanc- 
tuary must be as late as these times. 

In this lecture we will consider the sanctuary laws, in the 
next the facts in the case, and then the bearings of the facts. 

120. The sanctuary law of Exodus. — (1) Abraham, Isaac, and 
Jacob are said to have built altars and offered sacrifices at 
various places, where Yahweh "appeared," e. g. Shechem, 
Bethel, Hebron, Moriah, Beer-sheba, Mizpeh of Gilead (Gen. 
xii. 6-7, xiii. 4, 18, xxii. 9, xxvi. 25, xxxiii. 20, xxxv. 1, 3, 
7, xxxi. 54:). (2) Israel, at the exodus, had priests, sacrifices, 
altars, facilities for approaching "before Yahweh," and a 
"tent of meeting," previous to the building of the "tent of 



46 INSTITUTIONS. 



meeting" of Sinai (Ex. xix. 22, 6, 24; xviii. 12; xvii. 15, 
xxiv. 4 ; xvi. 9. xxxiv. 30 sq. ; xxxiii. 7-11). (3) During 
these periods the first law for a sanctuary (Ex. xx. 24-26) 
was applicable. Doubtless this law. when given, was a correct 
digest of existing usage ; this did not render it any the less a 
law divinely given. 

121. The sanctuary law of Leviticus. — (1) During the thirty- 
nine years in the wilderness, and during most of the adminis- 
tration of Joshua, the sanctuary was the movable " tent of 
meeting" at the various stations in the wilderness, and after- 
wards at Gfilgal, etc. (see ' ' tabernacle of the congregation ' ' 
in a concordance, also Josh. vi. 24, ix. 23, etc.). (2) To Israel 
"in camp" around the tabernacle, applied the second sanc- 
tuary law (Lev. xvii. 1-9). By its terms it applies to all who 
belong to the camp, whether they are physically within the 
camp limits or not ; it does not apply to Israelites not living 
in camp around the tent of meeting — e. g. to the two and a 



half tribes residing east of Jordan, during Joshua's war of 
conquest, or to the masses of Israel scattered through the 
wilderness, during the thirty-nine years (Dent. xii. 8). (3) 
Apparently, this law would have been superseded, in case of 
theophany. on account of the immediate divine presence. 

122. The sanctuary law of Deuteronomy. — (1) Published 
while Israel was in camp, in the last year of Moses, as a per- 
manent law (Deut. xii. 8-11, xiv. 23, xvi. 2, 6, 11, xxvi. 2. Cf. 
Xeh. i. 9, Ezra vi. 12, etc.). (2) By its text it has four limit- 
ations : a. Applicable only in the promised land. b. When 
Yah well has given Israel rest from all his enemies round about 
(xii. 10). c. And has chosen a place for his name (11). d. 
Merely private sacrificial feasts are exempted (xii. 15, 21). (3) 
In the nature of things, also, the operation of the law might 
be temporarily suspended : a. By the presence of the" ark in 
any place, b. By theophany. c. By special revelation to a 
prophet. 

123. TJte construction of these laws. — It is not fair so to con- 
strue the second and third of these laws as to render them 
contradictory ; nor to construe them as designed to prohibit 



INSTITUTIONS. 47 



the public worship of Yahweh by sacrifices in all circum- 
stances except those to which the laws apply ; on the contra- 
ry, wherever these two laws are inapplicable, we must infer 
that the law regards the obligation to worship Yahweh as in 
force, and therefore as regulated by the more general precept 
of Ex. xx. 24-26. 



LECTURE XXL 

The Hexatettch : Institutions — Continued. 

124. The facts — the central sanctuary at Shiloh. — a. Before 
the death of Joshua, it was understood that Yahweh had 
"given his people rest" (Josh. xxi. 44, xxiii. 1, xxii. 4) ; and 
the tabernacle was located as a central sanctuary at Shiloh 
(Josh, xviii. 1, 6, 8, 9, 10, xix. 51, xxi. 2, xxii. 9, 12, 19, 29, 
etc.; but Josh. xxiv. 1, 25-26). b. Its permanent location was 
at Shiloh in the days of the old age of Phinehas (Jud. xxi. 
12, 19, 21), though some of its functions were exercised, either 
temporarily or permanently, at Bethel, and perhaps elsewhere 
(Jud. xix. 18, xx. 18, 23, 26, xxi. 2). c. In the time of Eli the 
sanctuary was a temple at Shiloh, with doorposts and doors 
(1 Sam. i. 9, iii. 3, 15, not inconsistent with 1 Ki. iii. 2). The 
tabernacle was there, presumably within the temple inclosure 
(ii. 22) ; and so was the ark (iv. 3, 4, 12), the priests, the sacri- 
fices, and one or more annual feasts (i. 3, 9, 21, ii. 13, 14, 19, 
etc.). There was "the house of Yahweh . (i. 7, 24, iii. 15); 
"before Yahweh" (i. 12, 15, 19, 22, ii. 17, 18, 21). 

125. The facts — Shiloh and Jerusalem. — a. These are espe- 
cially recognized as the two places of the national sanctuary 
(Jud. xviii. 31, Ps. lxxviii. 60, 67-68, Jer. vii. 12, 14). b. 
But the whole pre-Davidic period is regarded as one in which 
the "rest", given by Yahweli was yet incomplete, and in 
which therefore, the sanctuary was wandering (2 Sam. vii. 6, 
1 Chron. xvii. 5). c. Jerusalem is regarded as its first place 
of strictly permanent location ; the connection of the building 



INSTITUTIONS. 



of the temple with the arrival of the promised "rest," and 
the fact that the "rest " was brought about through the con- 
quests of David, are especially emphasized (2 Sam. vii. 1, 11, 
1 Ki. viii. 16, 1 Chron. xxii. 9, 10, 18, etc., xxiii. 25-26, xxviii. 
2, 2 Chron. vi. 5, 41, Ps. cxxxii. 8, 13, 14, et al.). d. It is 
represented that others besides David were looking forward to 
this full rest-time (1 Chron. xxvi. 28). 

126. Tlie facts— after the death of Eli. — The history of the 
sanctuary is here obscure, till David established it in Jerusa- 
lem, a. Some say, in the interest of orthodoxy, that the 
Philistines destroyed Shiloh, directly after they captured the 
ark. No proof, b. Others say, in the same interest, that 
Israel had no central sanctuary during this period. Incon- 
sistent with 1 Sam. x. 25, xxi. 1 and xxii. 9, 11, 19, xxi. 6, 7, 
9 (7, 8, 10), Mat, xii. 3-4, Mark ii. 26, Luke vi. 3-4. The 
statement should be that Israel had no such central sanctu- 
ary as rendered the observance of the Deuteronomic law pos- 
sible, c. After its return by the Philistines, the ark was in 
the custody of the men of Kirjath-jearim, either in a hill near 
that city, or perhaps in the city of Gibeah (1 Sam. vi. 21, vii. 
1, 2, 2 Sam. vi. 2, 1 Chron. xiii. 3-6). But even during this 
time, the ark was not wholly out of the charge of the high- 
priest (1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18, not contradictory to 1 Chron. xiii. 
3). d. During the early part of Saul's reign, Gilgal was a 
place (perhaps the place) of national sacrifice (1 Sam. x. 8, xi. 
14-15, xiii. 4, 8-12, 15, xv. 12, 15, etc.). e. Later, some of 
the sanctuary functions, at least, were located at Nob (xxi, 
xxii). /. In the latter part of David's reign, the sanctuary 
and tabernacle were at Gibeon, the ark being then at Jerusa- 
lem (1 Ki. iii. 4-5, ix. 2, 2 Chron. i. 3-5, 6, 13 and v. 5, 1 
Chron. xvi. 39-40, xxi. 29, 2 Sam. vi, vii, etc.). 

127. The facts — what is said to have become of the tabernacle. 
— Two words for the same thing are ohel and mishkan. (1) In 
existence up to David's time (2 Sam. vii. 6 ; " ohel and mish- 
kan ;" 1 Chron. xvii. 5, " From ohel to ohel and from mish- 
kan to mishkan''). (2) Formerly at Shiloh (1 Sam. ii. 22 
[ohel], Ps. lxxviii. 60 [mish. and ohel]. (3) Both expressions 



INSTITUTIONS. 49 



are familiar in the psalms attributed to the times of David 
(see "tabernacle" in a concordance). (4) a. Set up by 
David at Gibeon (1 Chron. xvi. 39, xxi. 29, 2 Chron. i. 5 
[nriah.] ; 1 Chron. xxiii. 32, 2 Chron. i. 3, 6, 13 [ohel]); b. 
With brasen altar that Bezaleel made (2 Chron. i. 5-6, 1 
Chron. xxi. 29, cf. 1 Chron. xvi. 40). c. Services held there 
(1 Chron. vi. 32, 48 [17, 33J [mish.J ; vi. 32 [17], ix. 19, 21, 23 
[ohel] ). d. Function of Levites changed from carrying the 
mish. (1 Chron. xxiii. 26). (5) The statements of 1 Ki. are less 
full, but are explicit, a. The altar at Gibeon, and the great 
place of sacrifice there (lii. 4). b\ " The tent of Yahweh " and 
"the horns of the altar", accessible, and a place of refuge (ii. 
28, 29, 30). c. " The horn of oil from the tent " (i. 39). It is 
not important whether this oil, or that of 1 Sam. xvi. 1, 13, 
are to be identified with "the anointing oil" of Ex., Lev., 
and Num. (6) Both Kings and Chronicles say that the tent 
and its furnishings were carried up, with the ark, to Solo- 
mon's temple (1 Ki. viii. 4, 2 Chron. v. 5). (7) From that 
time, the ohel or mishkan is thought of as merged in the tem- 
ple (see 2 Chron. xxix. 6 [mish.] and concordance. 

128. The facts — Solomon 's temple. — From the time it was 
built, this was the sanctuary, and the place of the ark. 



LECTURE XXII. 
The Hexateuch : Institutions — Continued. 

129. The evidence considered. — In the previous two lectures 
we have looked at the sanctuary laws and the facts of the 
history. We are now to consider the bearings of these as 
evidence. 

130. Assuming the fact, is the argument conclusive f — a. 
Among different ways of accounting for the phenomena, which 
is to be preferred, that which agrees with the testimony in 
the case, or another? b. Is the following true? If it were 
proved ohat the central sanctuary law was mainly inoperative 



50 INSTITUTIONS. 



until the reign of Hezekiah, it would still remain possible 
that the laws might have been written in the time of Moses ; 
he might have this idea in his mind, with perfect clearness, 
and might commit it to writing, even if his successors for cen- 
turies failed to reduce it to practice. If there was develop- 
ment in later times, it may have been development in doing 
what the ancient law required. The proof fails, even if the 
fact be admitted. 

131. The facts summed up. — The bible accounts, as they 
stand, testify : first, that the idea of one central sanctuary for 
all Israel was recognized from the time of Joshua on (Lectures 
XXI, XI, XII), and second, that the actually existing insti- 
tutions of Israel, up to David's time, corresponded to this idea 
only to a very limited extent ; and even after his time, the 
correspondence remained imperfect. In other words, at all 
periods in their history, the Israelites rendered altar service 
to Yahweh at the u high places'' (see concordance), that is, 
at other places than the one central sanctuary. 

If the second of these two points of testimony stood alone, 
it might have weight toward proving that the law for the 
central sanctuary did not exist till after David's time ; but it 
is deprived of all such weight by the fact that it stands con- 
nected with the first point. If the idea, however little heed- 
ed, was in existence, it clearly may have existed in the form 
of a written law. It may be thought remarkable that a writ- 
ten law, accepted as divine, should be so neglected for cen- 
turies, and afterward put into operation ; but it is not incred- 
ible. 

132. Tests for the alleged instances. — Can you find any al- 
leged instance of an altar or sacrifice away from the central 
sanctuary, to which one of the following explanations does 
not apply ? a. No altar or sacrifice is mentioned in connec- 
tion with the instance (Jud. xi. 11). b. The altar or sacrifice 
is said to be illegal, or at least is not mentioned with approval 
(Jud. viii. 27 et al.). c. Or the instances are of merely me- 
morial altars, or of private sacrifices, or are otherwise not with- 
in the terms of the law (Josh. viii. 30, xxii. 10, 23, 26, 27, 1 



INSTITUTIONS. 51 



Sam. ix. 12-13, xx. 6, etc.). d. Or the circumstances were 
such that the conditions of " rest" and of an accessible place 
chosen by Yahweh for his name did not exist. In other 
words, the law was, by its very terms, in abeyance. In such 
a case, it is not to be assumed that the intention was to pro- 
hibit worshiping Yahweh at all by public sacrifice. Worship 
by sacrifice would still be legal, very likely under the older 
law (Ex. xx. 24-26). See 1 Ki. xviii. 30-32, xix. 10, 14, and 
some of the sacrifices of the time of Samuel or Saul. e. Or 
the instance is a case of theophany, or of the presence of the 
ark, or of direct revelation through a prophet (Jud. xiii. 16 sq., 
1 Sam. vi. 14, vii. 9, 10, etc.). 

133. Samuel and Shiloh. — This case is especially insisted 
upon for proving that the pentateuchal institutions were not 
yet in existence, a. It was a temple at Shiloh, not the tent 
of meeting. Ans. — Both were there, b. Samuel slept in the 
edifice. Ans. — Not in the tent. c. No inner sanctuary, and 
consequently no service of atonement. Ans. — Prove it. d. 
Samuel an attendant there, though not of priestly descent. 
Ans. — He was a Levite (1 Sam. i. 1, 1 Chron. vi. 33, etc.). e. 
Samuel became a priest, though not so by descent. Ans. — 
No proof that he ever performed a priestly act ; if he did, it 
may have been in virtue of a special revelation. /. He wore a 
highpriest's ephod and robe, though a little boy. Ans. — No, 
a little boy's ephod and robe (ii. 18, 19). 

134. The biblical explanation of the facts. — If we accept the 
testimony of the bible as proving the existence of the high- 
place worship, we ought to pay some respect to the testimony 
of the very same passages in explanation of the fact that the 
worship existed. From the time when the central altar was 
set up in Shiloh, the bible nowhere represents that altar wor- 
ship elsewhere was in itself approved by Yahweh. (1) It was 
tolerated, under the compulsion of circumstances (1 Ki. iii. 2). 
(2) It is condemned as always incorrect, and as showing, when 
practiced by preference, the rebellious disposition of Israel. 
a. Formal condemnation for all Israel and Judah (1 Ki. iii. 3, 
xiv. 22-23, xv. 14, xxii. 43 [44], 2 Ki. xii. 3 [4], xv. 4, 35, xvi 



52 INSTITUTIONS. 



4, etc.). b. Is this contradicted by 2 Ki. xviii. 4, 22, Isa. 
xxxvi. 7, 2 Chron. xxxi. 1, xxxii. 12, etc. ? c. Formal con- 
demnation for northern Israel (1 Ki. xii. 31-32, xiii. 2. 32-33, 
2 Ki. xvii. 9, etc., 1 Ki. xiv. 16, xv. 26, 30, 34, etc), d. In 
the prophets, as well as in the historical books (Am. iii. 14, v. 

5, vii. 13, viii. 14, etc.). e. The proper course for a northern 
Israelite to pursue (1 Ki. xii. 27, xv. 17, 2 Chron. xi. 13-17; 
xiii. 9 sq., xv. 9, xix. 4, etc.). f. Is this contradicted by such 
instances as those in 1 Ki. xix. 10, 14, xviii. 30 % ( v 3) In the 
books of Judges, Ruth and Samuel, the condemation is not 
as formal as in Kings, but that does not prove that these 
earlier authors regarded the practice as legal. 

135. This view compared with the other. — (1) Suppose we 
call the view given in the preceding sections the first hypothe- 
sis. It accounts for the facts concerning the sanctuary and 
the highplaces by saying that the narratives of the bible are 
to be accepted, as they stand ; that the law for one sanctuary 
was in existence, with other written laws, from the time of 
Moses ; but that it was regarded even by the divinely ap- 
pointed leaders, as applicable only to the extent to which obed- 
ience to it was possible ; and was often neglected by the peo- 
ple even when they might have obeyed it. It had its times 
of revival under David, Solomon, and some of the later kings, 
and its alternating times of declension. 

Against this hypothesis no one can fairly urge the silence 
of Judges, Ruth, and Samuel, for it cannot be proved that 
they are silent. In many passages, they appear to presup- 
pose the Deuteronomic law, and no one can prove that the 
appearance is delusive. £s~or do the differences between the 
hexateuchal institutions and those of the times of the judges 
and the kings disprove the hypothesis, for these, as we have 
seen, are easily explicable. (2) With this compare a second hy- 
pothesis. It accounts for the fa cts by supposing that the narra- 
tives of the bible are in part unhistorical ; that the law for the 
central sanctuary, with most of the other hexateuchal laws 
and writings, was not in existence in the earlier times ; that 
the numerous highplaces were then all equally orthodox seats 



INSTITUTIONS. 53 



of the worship of Yahweh ; that gradually a body of tradi- 
tions, oral or written, grew up around these shrines, espec- 
ially at Bethel, Dan, Beer-sheba, Shechem, Gilgal, etc., which 
were ultimately digested into the hexateuchal accounts which 
we now have ; that in time the Jerusalem highplace became 
pre-eminent, and at length Hezekiah, and after him Josiah, 
adopted the policy of suppressing all the others in the inter- 
est of the one at Jerusalem ; that the Deuteronomic sanctuary 
law was written as a part of this movement ; that the pas- 
sages which seem to recognize the law as existing earlier either 
do not really so recognize it, or are themselves late writings 
or annotations. (3) a. If other things were equal, does the 
second hypothesis account for the facts in the case equally 
well with the first? or better % or not as well % b. If the sec- 
ond hypothesis is correct, then all the passages — such as those 
cited in Ques.134, 75-77, — that seem to speak of the highplace 
worship as being illegal, or that seem to recognize the exist- 
ence of Deuteronomy long before the time of Hezekiah, either 
do not mean what they seem to mean, or are mistaken. Is 
the second hypothesis so much more satisfactory than the first 
as to compel us to reject what seems to be the natural mean- 
ing of these passages % c. Is the second hypothesis so much 
more satisfactory than the first as to compel us to reject, in 
addition, all the testimony (Lects. IX to XIII.) to the early 
origin of the hexateuch ? 



LECTURE XXIII. 
The Hexateuch : The Analysis. General Probabilities. 

136. The hexateuchal analysis. — For information see Lecture 
Till, including Qu. 52. 

137. General statement of results. — Of the things alleged in 
the analysis into J. E. D, and P : (1 a. Some are certainly 
true and important, b. Some have, at best, only a hypothet- 
ical probability. c. Some are improbable. (2) a. Those 
which are really well attested do not contradict the testimony 
that dates the origin of the hexateuch within the lifetime of 
associates of Moses, b. Those which contradict this are less 
well authenticated than the testimony, and are therefore dis- 
proved by it. 

138. The analysis as bearing on the date of the hexateuch. — 
Suppose the dissection into the four documents to be feasible, 
what does that prove as to the date of the hexateuch \ (I) 
The most important arguments drawn from it are but the 
repetition of arguments that we have already considered. 
(2) But it is urged, in addition : a. That the minute study 
required for the analysis adds force to these arguments, by 
calling attention to them in detail. Ans. — This only empha- 
sizes their weakness, provided they are weak. b. If there are 
four documents, extending through the hexateuch. then they 
were all as late as Joshua or later, and the compilation of the 
hexateuch from them was still later. Ans. — On this supposi- 
tion, hypothesis a of Qu. ST is disproved, but hypothesis c is 
untouched, c. It is alleged that when the several papers J. E, 
D. P. are restored to their original form, they display such 
differences as prove that they originated in different condi- 
tions of civilization, many generations apart. Ans. — As long 
as it is in dispute whether J is earlier than E. or the reverse, 
and whether the successive Ps are earlier or later than D, this 
argument can have little weight. 



CONCLUSION. 55 



139. The adverse argument summed up. — The view called in 
these lectures the true view is in itself simple, and is support- 
ed by a large body of reputable direct testimony. The weak- 
est point in its defences is the fact that many of the phenom- 
ena need explanation in order to show that they are in agree- 
ment with it. But a much larger proportion of the phenome- 
na need explanation and need it to a greater extent, to bring 
them into accord with the new view ; while that view is in it- 
self complicated, and is in contradiction with the testimony. 
This seems to me a fair statement of the case as a whole. If 
it is so, the case is settled against the new view. 

140. A few general probabilities. — (1) If the new view is cor- 
rect, then the nobodies did nearly everything in Israelitish 
history and literature, and the men whose names have been 
handed down in history did substantially nothing. Is this 
probable % (2) The hexateuch makes no allusion to any ser- 
vice of song, or any arrangements for public fasting, connect- 
ed with the permanent institutions of Israel. Would this 
probably be the case, had the ceremonial law been written 
later than David? (3) Nehemiah and his companions made 
new regulations additional to those in the hexateuch (Neh. 
x, etc.). If they were then promulgating a new code, would 
they not rather have promulgated these in the code itself ? 
See Old and New Test. Stud, for Dec, 1889, p. 346 sq. 

141. The canon of Phinehas. — If the view thus taken be cor- 
rect, Israel had, at the death of Phinehas, a recognized body 
of sacred writings — the hexateuch in substantially its present 
form. It was for them "the law," the prophetic writings, as 
distinguished from all secular writings. For convenience, we 
may use the phrase " the canon of Phinehas." If the book 
of Job, the ninetieth Psalm, etc., were then in existence, we 
may think of them as included in this canon. 



Questions for Review. 

i. State the subject of these Studies. 

2. Mention the sources, principal and supplementary. 

3. a. Distinguish between direct testimony and critical evidence, b. Men- 
tion one particularly important form of critical evidence. 

4. Inspiration as related to the present investigation ? 

5. The different points of view as to the historicity of the records ? 

6. Reasons against the point of view of alleged certainty ? 

7. Against the point of view of alleged uncertainty ? 

8. a. What is the point of view of provisional historicity ? b. Give reasons 
in favor of it. 

9. Mention the place of these Studies in the theological curriculum. 

10. The best order in which to take such studies ? 

11. The two parts of this course of studies ? 

12. The relation of the Old Testament to Israeli tish literature ? 

13. a. Mention several literary works recognized in the latest Old Testament 
books, b. Give your judgment as to how far these are now extant. 

14. Do the same in regard to works mentioned in the middle books. 

15. In regard to works mentioned for the earlier times. 

16. How early are the prophets said to have been writers ? 

17. Speak of the quoting of poems in the earliest Old Testament writings. 

18. a. Mention some of the extra-biblical traditions, b. What do these indi- 
cate as to early Israelitish literature ? 

19. Words for literary matters in the Semitic languages ? 

20. Earh" contact of Israel with literary peoples ? 

21. The El-amarna tablets, and their bearing on this question? 

22. To what extent was Israel literary, from the time of the exodus ? 

24. Classify the Old Testament books as in the English bibles. 

25. Classify them as in the Hebrew bibles. 

26. a. AYhich is the earlier, the grouping into 22 books, or that into 24 ? b. 
Have some books been cut in two, to increase the number to 39^? c. Are the 
law, the prophets, and the hagiographa three successive canons? 

27. Give the classification by historical contents. 

30. What is meant by composite authorship ? 

31. Did the Old Testament writers keep their sources distinct? 

32. Is composite authorship inconsistent with inspiration? 

33. In a general sense, what had the prophets to do with the Old Testament ? 

35. What do the Xew Testament writers mean by the term " law?" 

36. Mention other writers who use the term in the same way. 

37. The meanings of the term " law " in the^Old Testament ? 

38. Prove that the hexateuch is a unit. 

39. Some classes of earlier writings that entered into its composition ? 



QUESTIONS. 57 



40. a. Mention some of the poems, b. Some of the addresses. 

41. Mention some of the classes of legislation. 

42. Mention some characteristics of the hexateuchal narratives. 

43. a. On the face of it, how was the hexateuch composed? b. Does this 
necessarily imply a plurality of authors? 

45. State the " old view " as to the origin of the hexateuch. 

46. The teaching of the " new view " on these points? 

50. The " true view," on these points? 

51. State the question at issue, in compact form. 

54. Give the analysis of Deuteronomy. 

55. State somewhat fully the claim of authorship made in the first discourse 
in Deuteronomy. 

56. The second discourse. 

58. The third discourse. 

59. The fourth discourse. 

60. How far is it claimed that Moses gave these discourses in writing? 

61. The authorship claimed by the two poems? 

62. The testimony as to " the book of the law ? " 

63. The testimony of the title (Deut. i. 1-2) ? 

64. The effect of this testimony ? 

66. Give some facts in the early history of the '' book of the law." 

67. Prove that it was not the two tables of the ten commandments- 

65. Give other testimonies of the hexateuch to writings by Moses. 

69. a. The character of the Mosaic writings thus testified to ? b. How far 
can they be identified with our hexateuch ? 

70. How about the fictional hypothesis ? 

72. The testimony of the postexilian books to the authorship of the hexa- 
teuch ? 

73. That of later literature to the same ? 

74. In Josiah's time : a. Prove that the book that was found had some 
special relation to Deuteronomy, b. How extensive was the "book of the 
covenant " that was read ? c. Can you identify it? d. How was it related to 
the " book of the law " that was found? e. Do the accounts say that this was 
was the only copy in existence ? f. Do these accounts presuppose any other 
sacred writings except Deuteronomy ? g. What date do they assign to the 
book that was found ? 

75. Give other testimony from the books of Kings. 

76. a. To what do the preexilian prophets testify? b. How do they compare 
with the New Testament, in the fullness of their testimony ? c. Do they use 
the term "law "as the equivalent of " pentateuch " ? d. Do they recognize 
written law as coming from Moses? 

77. Give some account of the testimony of the Psalms. 

78. a. Do Judges, Ruth and Samuel testify to 'the Mosaic writings as fully 
as do the later books ? b. Prove that they are not silent in such a way as to 
discredit the later testimony. 

79. What does the testimony amount to ? 



58 QUESTIONS. 



81. State and estimate the argument from the fact that the Old and New 
Testaments are silent concerning the five books. 

82. That from the literary sameness of the Old Testament. 

83. That from the variety of style. 

84. That fiom the resemblance of Deuteronomy and Jeremiah. 

85. That from the resemblance of the priest code and the postexilian books. 

86. Suppose Moses and Joshua to have been the authors of the hexateuch, in 
what sense were they its authors ? 

87. a. State hypotheses a, b, c, in regard to the composition of the hexateuch. 
b. How does the third of these compare in probability with the other two ? 

88. Mention the events of the life of Phinehas. 

89. Assuming hypothesis c to be true, is the testimony accounted for? 

90. Show that the new view does not properly account for the testimony. 

91. On its face, what conclusion does the testimony justify as to the date of 
the hexateuch ? 

92. Mention the four classes of arguments against this conclusion. 

93. Distinguish between historicity and truthfulness. 

94. Granting the existence of unhistorical elements, does that disprove the 
testimony ? 

95. Are the Old Testament narratives unhistorical? 

96. How numerous are the alleged p >st-Mosaic passages in the hexateuch? 

97. Is the recognition of such elements a new thing ? 

100. a. Mention three of the instances, b. In each, state the argument 
drawn from the instance, c. Give an estimate of its value. 

101. Take three instances, and treat them as in 100. 

103. a. Speak of the instance of the death of Joshua and the elders, b. Of 
that of the naming of Dan. c. Of that of the tribute service, d. The book of 
Jashar. 

104. Select two instances, and treat of their bearing on the date of the 
hexateuch. 

105. How about " Not a prophet since " (Deut. xxxiv. 10) ? 

106. The Babylonian accounts and the date of Genesis ? 

107. a. The negative result from the post-Mosaic elements? b. The posi- 
tive result ? 

109. Institutions grow : the bearing of this on the question? 
no. The law of the development of ritual ; and its bearing? 
in. Mention two of the "sweeping statements," and their effeet in the 
argument. 

112. Give the outline of the argument from the specific history. 

113. The argument from development ? 

114. Correct certain mistakes touching the argument from the history. 

116. a. The argument from the goeP. b. The cities of refuge ? 

117. The argument from the Nazirite? 

118. a. In what sense were the Mosaic institutions new? b. How are they 
to be interpreted ? 



QUESTIONS. 59 



119. Give an outline of the argument from the sanctuary laws. 

120. State facts concerning the altar law of Exodus. 

121. Concerning that of Leviticus. 

122. Concerning that of Deuteronomy. 

123. How are these laws to be interpreted ? 

124. The facts concerning the sanctuary of Shiloh ? 

125. The facts concerning Shiloh and Jerusalem ? 

126. The facts, after the death of Eli? 

127. What is said to have become of the tent of meeting ? 

130. Assuming that the law was inoperative, how far does that prove that it 
was non-existent ? 

131. According to the testimony : a. During what part of Israel's history 
was the idea of a national sanctuary in existence ? b. How far did the actual 
institutions fit the idea ? c. The bearing of this on the question whether the 
written law was in existence ? 

132. Mention and estimate the following alleged instances of the ignoring of 
any law for a central sanctuary: a. That of Jephthah (Jud. xi. 11). b. That 
of Gideon (Jud. viii. 27). c. That of David's familv (1 Sam. xx. 6). d. Those 
of the time of Elijah (1 Ki. xix. i<>, 14). e. That of Manoah (Jud. xiii. 16 sq.). 

f. That of Bethshemesh (1 Sam. vi. 15). 

133. Particular points concerning Samuel and Shiloh? 

134. a. How do the books of Kings and the prophetic books account for the 
highplace worship ? b. Do the earlier books take a view inconsistent with this? 

135. a. State the first hypothesis, b. State the second hypothesis, c. Com- 
pare these two hypotheses. 

137. a. How valuable are the results obtained by "the hexateuchal analy- 
sis?" b. How do these bear on the question of authorship, as thus far ex- 
amined ? 

138. Supposing it to be made out that there were four documents, extending 
through the hexateuch, how late does that prove the completing of the hexa- 
teuch to have been ? 

139. Sum up the adverse argument. 

140. Mention three general probabilities. 

141. What was the " Canon of Phinehas ? " 



LECTURE XXIY. 
The Second Literary Period. 

142. The writings of this period. — They seem to be, prima 
facie, first, the historical series consisting of Judges, Ruth, 
and first and second Samuel, and second, such psalms as were 
written in the lifetime of king David. 

143. The second historical series. — It consists of the books 
just mentioned, though the Hebrew bibles here omit Ruth, 
and place it among the Hagiographa. As the books of the 
preceding series treat of the forming of the institutions and 
sanctuary of Israel, and the establishing of them in Palestine, 
so these books treat of the period when the sanctuary was 
wandering, and the institutions fluctuating, before they be- 
came fixed by the building of Solomon's temple. 

144. This series differentiated. — It is as sharply differenti- 
ated from the books of Kings which follow it as from the 
six books that precede it, though, the history extends contin- 
uously through the three. The books of Kings have a chron- 
ological method (e. g. 1 Ki. xv. 1-2), a method of literary ref- 
erence (e. g. 1 Ki. xiv. 29), a method of announcing a succes- 
sion (e. g. 1 Ki. xiv. 31), a formal verdict on the conduct of a 
king (e. g. 1 Ki. xv. 3, 11). a regularly repeated statement 
concerning the high places (e. g. 1 Ki. xxii. 43). As tested 
by these and by many other marks, they belong to a different 
school of historical writing from the books of Judges, Ruth 
and Samuel. 

145. The structure of the series. — A unit, but formed by 
putting together different previous writings, a. Prefatory 
matters (Jud. i-ii. 5). b. Continuous history of the judges 
(Jud. ii. 6-xiii. 1). This is the only part of the series that has 
a consecutive chronology, c. Six personal stories (Jud. xiii. 
2-xvi, xvii-xviii, xix-xxi, Ruth, 1 Sam. i-iv. la, ix-x. 
16). Each of these stories is complete in itself, could be 
dropped without leaving any gap, begins with a certain for- 



BOOKS OF JUDGES, RUTH AND SAMUEL. 61 



mula, introducing the persons of the story, draws its interest 
mainly from the things that befall these persons. Excepting 
these six, there are no other stories in the Bible that bear these 
marks, d. Narratives of public history, or of the life of David 
(1 Sam. iv. lb to 2 Sam. xx, omitting the story, 1 Sam. ix-x. 
16). The first of these narratives (1 Sam. iv. lb.) takes up the 
history at the point where the continuous history of the 
judges ( Jud. xiii. 1) leaves it. e. Six appendices (2 Sam. xxi. 
1-14, 15-22, xxii, xxiii. 1-7, 8-39, xxiv). 

See Jour, of Exegetical Society for 1884, pp. 3-28. 

146. Implications as to composition. — (1) In these books the 
scholars of the new view make an analysis of the sources like 
that which they make in the hexateuch, and in continuation 
of that. See Cornill in Old and New Test. Stud, for Nov. 
1891, p. 300. Also Bib. World for Apr., 1895, p. 290. See 
also the Paul Haupt Bible. (2) Some of the existing parts of 
the series drew upon older writings as sources'. (3) a. Pre- 
sumably the earlier narratives of public history were written 
first, b. Then the personal stories, and perhaps other narra- 
tives of public history, c. Then the continuous history of the 
judges was written, and the stories and the earlier narratives 
-put together by its help. e. Last, the later narratives, the 
prefatory matter in Judges, and the six appendices were 
added. 

147. Does this affect the inspiration of the books t — The 
Spirit of God is competent to control men in work of this 
kind as completely as in work of any kind. The inspired 
author is the man who wrote the scriptural book. The earlier 
writings transcribed into it may or may not have been in- 
spired. Independently of the question of authorship, we 
-know that these books are a part of the scripture that is rec- 
ognized in the New Testament as inspired. 



LECTURE XXV. 

Second Period : Date oe the. History. 

118. Order of treatment. — There is a tradition as to the date 
of these writings. That tradition, when rightly understood, 
is confirmed by positive testimony, and by considerations as 
to the men, the times, and tli3 motive that appear in the wri- 
tings. On the other hand, contrary opinions are held and 
argued for. This lecture treats of the traditional view, and 
the next lecture of the opposing views. 

149. The ancient Jewish tradition. — It is thus stated (see 

Briggs' Biblical Study page 175, or other like works) : 

" Samuel wrote his book and Judges and Ruth." Objec- 
tion : ' " But it is written there, And Samuel died, and they 
buried him in Ramah" (1 Sam. xxv. 1). Reply : " Gad the 
seer and Nathan the prophet finished it." 

150. True meaning of the tradition. — a. It is common to 
assume that it means that Samuel wrote continuously from 
Judg. i to Sam. xxiv, that is, up to the time of his death, and 
that, alter his death, Gad and Nathan wrote continuously the 
rest of the books of Samuel. Thus understood, it is not sur- 
prising that many treat the tradition with contempt, b. But 
it is possible to understand it as meaning only that Samuel, 
Gad, and Nathan are the men who are responsible for the lit- 
erary existence of this series of writings ; that is, that the 
series was written by them, or under their influence, and 
before the death of Nathan. Thus understood, the tradition 
is not merely worthy of respectful treatment, but has a pre- 
ponderance oi proof in its favor. 

151. Testimony of 1 Chron. xxix. 29-30. — a. In first Chron- 
icles the books of first and second Samuel appear to be ex- 
tensively used by transcription (1 Chron. x, xi, xiii-xv, xvii- 
xxi). b. It is probable that the author of Chronicles would 
mention his sources, c. The title and description in 1 Chron. 
xxix. 29 may not fit the books of Samuel by themselves, but 
they fit the series. 



BOOKS OF JUDGES, RUTH AND SAMUEL. 63 

152. Other testimony. — Though not very explicit, it is of 
some value, a. The Manner of the Kingdom (1 Sam. x. 25). 
b. Citation by Solomon (1 Ki. ii. 24 cf. 2 Sam. vii) ; and by 
the Psalms that have Davidic titles (Ps. lxxxix. 19-37 cf. 2 
Sam. vii, Ps. lxviii cf. Jud. v, and very many similar in- 
stances). 

153. The men ivere suited to such a work. — Give a sketch of 
each of them. a. Gad (1 Sam. xxii. 5, 2 Sam. xxiv. 11, 19, 1 
Chron. xxi. 9-19, xxix. 29, 2 Chron. xxix. 25). b. Nathan (2 
Sam. vii, xii, Ps. Ii, title, 1 Chron. xvii, xxix. 29, 2 Chron. 
xxix. 25, ix. 29). For the history of Solomon, Nathan is 
associated with later men than Samuel and Gad. c. Samuel 
(concordance, and in particular, 1 Samuel, Jer. xv. 1, Ps. 
xcix. 6, 2 Chron. xxxv. 18). 

154. The times were fitted to the production of such writings. 
— a. The accounts say that the times of Samuel, Gad, and 
Nathan were characterized by a great revival of prophetic 
activity. Witness such additional names as those of David, 
Zadok, Asaph, Heman, Jeduthun, Solomon, Ahijah, Shemaiah 
(look them up, by concordance), and such passages as 1 Sam. 
iii. 20-21 contrasted with iii. 1, x. 5-13, xix. 18-21, xxviii. 6, 

1 Chron. xxv. 1, 2, 3, 5, etc. b. And by literary productivity. 
Nearly all these prophets are spoken of as writers. See also 
such passages as 2 Chron. ii. 11, 1 Sam. xxi. 13, 2 Sam. xi. 14, 
15, 1 Chron. xxvii. 24, xxiii. 27, etc. c. And of historical 
research ("recorder" and "scribe," 2 Sam. viii. 16, 17, etc.; 

2 Sam. xi. 20, 21 cf. Jud. ix. 53, 2 Sam. vii. 6, 8-11, 1 Sam. ii. 
27-28, xii. 6-11, etc.). 

155. Certain considerations of motive. — Many parts of the 
series bear marks of having been written in the interest of the 
throne of David, and of the primacy of the tribe of Judah (e. 
g. Jud. i. 2 sq.). All the six stories, except that of Samson, 
are Bethlehemite or Ephrathite (Jud. xvii. r /, 8, 9, xix. 1, 2, 18, 
etc., Ru. i. 1, 19, 22, iv. 11, etc., 1 Sam. i. 1, etc., ix. 5, x. 2 
cf. Gen. xxxv. 19-20). All six have the moral that the times 
when there were no kings in Israel were, at best, no better 
than later times. If we suppose that some Israelites found 



64 BOOKS OF JUDGES, RUTH AND SAMUEL. 



David's reign burdensome, and contrasted it with the greater 
freedom enjoyed by their grandfathers, and that one motive 
for writing these stories was to counteract this feeling, the 
supposition fits the case. 



LECTURE XXVI. 

Second Period ; Date of the History— Continued. 

156. Alleged later dates. — a. For specific dates assigned by 
scholars of the new view, see references in Qu. 146. b. Men 
who hold that Deuteronomy was written in Josiah' s time re- 
gard Judges and Samuel as written (or reworked) still later, 
since these presuppose Deuteronomy and parts of the priest- 
code, c. Men who hold to the literary continuity of Samuel 
and Kings date Samuel later than the latest events in Kings, 
making the book postexilian (2 Ki. xxv. 27). Against this 
see Qu. 144. d. Others assign earlier dates, but after the 
death of Solomon. Cambridge Bible for Schools, for example. 

Those who disconnect Ruth from Judges are apt to regard 
Ruth as postexilian. 

157. Proofs adduced for late date. — a. Those adduced in the 
preceding question, b. The affirmation that the prophets 
were not literary men till the time of Amos, several genera- 
tions later than Nathan. But the accounts say that Samuel, 
Nathan, Gad, Ahijah, Shemaiah, Jedo, David and others 
were writers (concordance), c. The assertion that the wri- 
tings of this series contain elements later than Nathan. This 
will now be considered. 

158. Judah and Israel. — It is affirmed that these terms are 
used, referring to the divided kingdom after Solomon's time 
(1 Sam. xi. 8, xv. 4, xvii. 52, xviii. 16, xxvii. 6, 2 Sam. v. 5, 
xi. 11, xii. 8, xix. 42, 43, xx. 2, xxiv. 1, Ru. iv. 11, 12). But 
in none of these instances is there any reference to the divided 
kingdom. The authors of these writings have a special inter- 
est in Judah as the Davidic tribe, and this fact explains all 



DATE OF THE BOOKS OF JUDGES AND SAMUEL. 65 

the instances, except those which belong to the times of Ish- 
bosheth or of Sheba the son of Bichri. when Judah was in 
hostility with the other tribes. Cf. Israel and Benjamin 
(Jnd. xx. 14, 18, 20, 21, etc.). 

159. References to the time of the judges. — It is said that 
these writings speak of the time " when there was no king in 
Israel" (Jnd. xvii. 6, xviii. 1, xix. 1, xxi. 25) and "when the 
judges judged," (Ru. i. 1) as belonging to a remote antiquity. 
But these phrases would be as appropriate in David's time as 
in any later time. 

160. Unto this day. — A similar argument is based on the 
phrase " nnto this day." But it occurs often, in these wri- 
tings, where it must be referred to times as early as those of 
David, and never where it is impossible so to refer it (Jud. i. 
21, 26, 1 Sam. viii. 8, xxix. 3, 6, 8, and concordance. See 
especially 1 Sam. xxvii. 6). 

161. Allusions to Rehoboam. — There are two of these in the 
Septuagint, but none in the Hebrew (2 Sam. viii. 7, xiv. 27). 

162. Archaisms. It is said that these writings abound in 
explanations such as show that the writer thought of his facts 
as archaic, and unfamiliar to his readers, e. g. the location of 
Shiloh (Jud. xxi. 19), "the seer" (1 Sam. ix. 9), Tamar's 
dress (2 Sam. xiii. 18). But the instances all fail. 

163. Changes of names. — The use of the names Ishbosheth, 
Mephibosheth, Jerubbesheth (2 Sam. ii. 8, etc., iv. 4, etc., xi. 
21) for Eshbaal, Meribbaal, Jerubbaal (1 Chron. viii. 33, ix. 
39, viii, 34, ix. 40, Jud. vi. 32, etc.). But there is no proof 
that this custom of changing names did not exist in David's 
time. 

164. Particidar passages. — a. "Until the day when the 
land went into exile " (Jud. xviii. 30). Explained by ver. 31. 
b. The numerals in 1 Sam. xiii. 1 are not well explained by 
supposing that the chronology was so ancient that it had been 
lost, and are well explained by supposing that the passage 
was written before the technical chronological style had been 
adopted, c. Resemblance between Jud. ii. 11-23 and 2 Ki. 



DATE OF THE BOOKS OF JUDGES AND SAMUEL. 



xvii. 7-23. But this is explained if the writer of the passage 
in Kings had read Judges, and been impressed by it. 

165. Result from these instances. — In fine, the instances al- 
leged not only fail to prove that any part of these writings is 
later than the lifetime of Nathan, but strongly indicate the 
contrary. If the writer had lived much later than David's 
time, he would have mentioned later events, incidentally, just 
as, in the history of the judges, he incidentally mentions 
events up to the time of David. 

166. Earlier elements — a. Even those who hold to the late 
date of these books concede that they consist largely of trans- 
criptions from earlier writings, and most of them agree that 
Samuel, Gad, and Nathan had sometliing to do with these 
earlier writings, b. Many hold that the material has been 
worked over several times, so that, in some earlier form, the 
connected work may have existed at a date prior to that of 
the latest elements now included in it ; but the evidence of fre- 
quent reworking is insufficient. 

167. Deute r 07107U ist<c redaction. — The scholars of the new 
view regard the hexateuchal J and E as having been written 
before Judges and Samuel, and the parts of these books 
that presuppose Deuteronomy (e. g. the passages cited Qu. 
78) as the work of a redactor who lived later than Josiah's 
time. This amounts to an admission that these books, as 
they stand, presuppose Deuteronomy. Except on the assump- 
tion of the late origin of Deuteronomy, the evidence of such 
redaction is not strong. 

168. What do these things prove? — a. The materials for 
these books certainly came from Samuel, Gad, and Nathan, or 
passed through their hands, b. So, probably, did the books 
themselves. 



LECTURE XXVII. 
Second Period : Psalms of the Time of David. 

169. We have no time to take up the case of particular 
psalms. We must confine ourselves to a general sketch of 
the reasons for holding that a large proportion of the psalms 
were written by David or his contemporaries. 

170. Collections of the psalms. — As we now have them they 
consist of live books, separated by the doxologies at the close 
of Pss. xli, lxxii, lxxxix, cvi. They include certain lesser 
collections (e. g. the Psalms of Degrees, cxx-cxxxiv), the 
psalms of Asaph (lxxiii-lxxxiii) and the Psalms to the Sons 
of Korah (xlii-xlix and lxxxiv-lxxxviii). They also exhibit 
traces of yet earlier collections, different from the present 
arrangement (lxxii. 20, for instance). 

171. The date of a psalm. — This is to be determined : a. By 
the testimony of other writings — notably by that of the Old 
and New Testaments, b. By the Hebrew titles of the psalms. 
c. By the different titles in the Septuagint and other transla- 
tions, d. By the language and contents of each psalm. 

172. Davidic poetry and music. — The history attributes to 
the times of David, great activity, particularly in musical and 
lyrical matters (2 Sam. xxiii. 1, i. 17, iii. 33-34, 1 Sam. xvi. 
16-18, 23, etc., Amos. vi. 5, 2 Chron. vii. 6, xxix. 25-27, 30, 
Neh. xii. 24, 36, 45-47, etc.). 

173. Davidic Psalms. — More specifically, the Old and New 
Testaments attribute our present psalms in general, and many 
particular psalms among them, to the time of David, a. In 
the following nine passages, excluding duplicates, the New 
Testament connects the name of David with the following 
seven psalms : with Ps. ex, Luke xx. 42-44 and parallels, and 
Acts ii. 34 ; with Ps. lxix. 25, 22-23, Acts i. 16, 20, Rom. xi. 
9-10; with Ps. cix. 8, Acts i. 20 ; with Ps. xvi, Acts ii. 25, 29- 



68 THE PSALMS. 



34 and xiii. 36 ; with Ps. ii. 1-3, Acts iv. 25-26 ; with Ps. 
xxxii, Rom. iv. 6; with Ps. xcv. 7, Heb. iv. 7. Conclusively 
the New Testament writers regard most or all of these par- 
ticular psalms as written by David personally : yet more con- 
clusively, they ascribe the psalms in general to him. b. The 
Old Testament books testify that a group of psalms with the 
title or refrain ;i for his mercy endureth forever" (like cvi, 
cvii, cxviii, cxxxvi, for example) were in use from the days 
of David to those of Cyrus (1 Chron. xvi. 34, 41, 2 Chron. v. 
13, vii. 3, 6, xx. 21, Isa. liv. 8, Jer. xxxiii. 11, Ps. c. 5, 
cxxxviii. 8, Ezra iii. 11, etc.). c. In 1 Chron. xvi. 7-36 it 
seems to be testified that Pss. cv. xcvi, cvi were placed by 
David in the hands of his singers, when the ark was brought 
to Jerusalem. In 2 Chron. vi 41, 42, it seems to be affirmed 
that Ps. cxxxii was used at the dedication of Solomon's temple. 
2 Sam. xxii attributes itself, and therefore its duplicate, Ps. 
xviii, to David. 



LECTURE XXVIII. 

Secoxd Peeiod : The Psalms — Continued. 

174. The Hebreiu titles. — These are now written as if they 
were a part of the text of the psalms. That they are so can 
neither be proved nor disproved. That they are older than 
the Sej)tuagint translation, and have been connected with the 
psalms as far back as we can trace the text is indisputable. 
They attach the name of David to seventy-three psalms, and 
the names of David's contemporaries. Asaph, Heman, Ethan 
and Solomon to fourteen more. That they are always infalli- 
bly correct we need not assert. That they sometimes indicate 
some other relation of these men to the psalm than that of 
authorship, is very likely. But they must be regarded as 
indicating authorship, except as the language or contents of 
a psalm prove the contrary. And apart from their evidence 
in the case of any particular psalm, they prove, in general, 
the Davidic origin of the x)salms. 



THE PSALMS. 69 



175. Additional titles in the versions. — In the Septuagint, 
or in some copies of it, or in the Vulgate, or in both Septna- 
gint and Vulgate, are found the following classes of inscrip- 
tive matter, in addition to that found in the Hebrew (or En- 
glish) : a. Additions to the Hebrew title, connecting the 
psalm with incidents in the life of David (cxliii, cxliv, xxvii, 
xxix). b. Connecting the psalms with the exodus, the crea- 
tion, the sabbath, or the resurrection (xxix, perhaps, civ, 
xciii, xciv, xxiv, xxxviii, lxvi). c. With "the Assyrian" 
(lxxiii, lxxvi, lxxx). d. With Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and their 
times (lxv, ]xxi, cxxxvii). e. With the second temple, or 
with Ha^gai, or Zechariah, or both (xcvi, cxii, cxxxviii, 
cxxxix, cxlvi, cxlvii, cxlvii. 12, cxlviii, cxlix, cl). /. They 
prefix the name of David, when the Hebrew does not (xxxiii, 
lxvii, lxxi, xciii, xciv. xcv,xcvi,xcvii,xcviii, xcix, civ, cxxxvii). 
g. They connect the name of David freely with the names and 
events of later times (lxv, lxxi, xcvi, cxxxvii, cxxxviii, 
cxxxix, etc.). 

These editors evidently held that the name of David might 
be prefixed to a psalm without intending to say that he wrote 
it, but also that the Hebrew titles were correct, and that the 
psalms generally, both those so entitled in the Hebrew and 
others, ^ere from David. Further, they show no disposition 
to disguise their opinion that some of the psalms are of late 
date, or to date back psalms of this sort. 

176. Historico- critical evidence in the psalms themselves. — 
This precisely tallies with the external testimony, as just re- 
capitulated. Certain psalms, written late, do not at all dis- 
guise that fact (e. g. cxxxvii). But a large proportion of the 
psalms are free frum allusions to events later than the time of 
David. This fact comes out with distinctness in the case of 
the Hebrew^ titles, as compared with the Greek titles, and in 
the case of the psalms that recapitulate the history of Israel 
(lxxvii, lxxviii, lxxxi, lxxxiii, lxxxix, cv, cvi, cxxxvi, etc.). 
especially in contrast with such instances as JN"eh. ix, or Ec- 
clus. xliv-1. 



70 CANON OF NATHAN 



177. Inconclusive opposing arguments. — We are not now 
considering all the psalms, but only those that make some 
claim to have originated in the time of David. As these 
often mention the law and the pentateuchal institutions, one 
who holds that the latter are post- exilian must hold that the 
ostensibly Davidic psalms are, in genera], still later. Cheyne 
pronounces all the psalms postexilian except xviii. But if 
there is evidence that any psalm was written in David' s time, 
the contrary is not proved : a. By the absence of a title, since 
several of the psalms mentioned in Qu. 173 have no title, b. 
By its speaking of Israel as distressed, or captive, or seeking 
restoration, since there were situations of this sort in and be- 
fore the time of David, c. By its mentioning the temple, 
since there had been a temple in Eli' s time, and also, antici- 
patory mention is possible, d. By its mentioning the Mosaic 
law or institutions, e. Bv Aramaisms, since these belong to 
earlier stages of Israelitish writing as well as to later. 

178. Conclusions. — A large proportion of the psalms, especi- 
ally those spoken of in Qus. 173, 171, must be regarded as 
written in the time of David. 

It does not follow, however, that the psalms as a whole 
were the sacred song book of Solomon's temple, a. One or 
more collections, for popular use, were made in David's time, 
or soon after (Ps. lxxii. 20, etc.). b. Besides the popular col- 
lection, there was a collection for temple use, from David's 
time, e. g. the "mercy endureth forever" psalms, c. Other 
psalms of David's time were handed down in other ways, and 
collected later. 

The writing of the later psalms and the final collection of 
the five books of psalms are matters which belong later in our 
course. 

179. Bibliography. — See Psalms in Encyc. Brit, and Amer. 
Sup.', Cheyne' s The Origin of the Psalter, 1891; Murray's 
Origin and Growth of the Psalms, Scribner, N. Y., 1880. 

180. The canon of Nathan.— If the evidence thus far be ac- 
cepted, it proves that the prophet Nathan left behind him a 
bible containing many psalms, and so far as appears, the con- 



AUTHORSHIP OF THE BOOKS OF KINGS. 71 

tents now found in the first ten books of the Old Testament. 
It was already capable of being divided, according to the 
classification familiar in later times, into the law, the proph- 
ets, and the psalms (Qu. 141). 



LECTURE XXIX. 
Third Literary Period : Books of Kixgs. 

181. The boohs of the third Period. — These are, first, the 
historical series, 1 ana 2 Kings, second, the larger part of 
the prophetic books, third, other writings (Qu. 27). The 
writings that belong to it are more numerous and varied, and 
more directly assigned to their authors, than those of the two 
preceding periods. 

182. The books of Kings. — According to tradition, Jeremi- 
ah is the author of these books, as distinguished from the 
earlier writings from which they were compiled. It is easy 
to sneer at this, but there is no valid objection to the sub- 
stantial truth of it. Completed later than the death of Ne- 
buchadnezzar, B. C. 561 (2 Ki. xxv. 27), but largely tran- 
scribed from earlier writings. 

183. Compiled in part from public archives. — One group of 
sources consists of the books of ' ' Chronicles, ' ' whether of 
Israel or Judah, referred to in about thirty places (e. g. 1 
Ki. xiv. 19, xv. T). The title naturally indicates official 
public records, and none of the current objections to this un- 
derstanding of it are valid. 

184. And in part from writings of pr yphets.—T\\e writings 
of Nathan, Ahijah, Jedo (not Iddo), Shemaiah, Jehu, and 
Isaiah (2 Chron. ix. 29, xii. 15, xx. 34. xxvi. 22, xxxii. 32, 
etc.) were probably writings of prophets, used as sources by 
the author of Kings. Note especially 2 Chron. xx. 3t, xxxii. 
32, and trace the above names in the successive parts of 
Kings (1 Ki. i. 8, sq., xi. 29 sq., xii. 22 sq., xiii. 1 sq. 
[Josephus calls this prophet Jadon=Jedo], xvi. 1 sq., etc.). 



72 THE PROPHETIC BOOKS. 



Whether the author of Chronicles had these writings, except 
as he found them in Kings, is a question to study. As the 
author of Kings had them and had the "Book of the Words 
of Solomon" (xi. 41), so he doubtless had other written 
sources. 

185. Perhaps 1 Kings written first. — There may be a ques- 
tion whether all the compiling was done by the final compiler, 
or whether he found part of the work already done. It might 
be very plausibly argued, for example, that 1 Kings was al- 
ready put together by Jehu the son of Hanani (see passages 
just citedh 

186. Frequent reworking. — It is confidently asserted that 
the authors of the books of Kings cannot have had access to 
the original documents, particularly the original public 
records, and that therefore the books of Chronicles which 
they quote must have been earlier compilations from the 
original documents ; in other words, that our present books 
are the reworking of earlier digests. Of this there is no proof 
and no probability. 



LECTURE XXX. 

Third Literary Period : Prophetic Books. 

187. Chronological grouping. — a. The first group of the 
minor prophets. b. Isaiah. c. Second group of minor 
prophets, d. Third group of minor prophets, e. Jeremiah. 

188. Earliest group of minor prophets. — The men who put 
together the "book of the twelve" apparently intended to 
group the books, in the main, chronologically, the earliest 
group including Hosea. Joel, Amos, Obacliah, Jonah. To 
these must be added the last six chapters of Zechariah. 

189. Joel. — Dated by the historical situation in it, and by 
its being presupposed by Amos. I connect Joel with the in- 
vasion of Hazael (2 Ki. xii. 17 sq. ). Others place him still 
earlier, As the book presupposes the priest code (i. 9, 13, ii. 



FIRST GROUP OF MINOR PROPHETS. 73 



14, etc.), the scholars of the new view assign to it a late post 
exilian date. 

190. Obadiah. — A few years later than Joel and connected 
with the overthrow of Edom (2 Ki. xiv. 7. 10, 2 Chron. 
xxv. 11-12). Others give different dates, much as in the case 
of Joel. 

191. Jonah. — He lived under Jeroboam II. of Israel, or 
earlier (2 Ki. xiv. 25), and the events of the book belong to his 
lifetime. If the book, like Hosea, Joel, and the others, had a 
title attributing it to the prophet, or if there were other evi- 
dence that Jonah wrote it, that would fix the date when it 
was written. As matters stand, the linguistic evidence pre- 
ponderates slightly in favor of later authorship. 

192. Amos. — This book consists of several discourses of 
nearly the same dat*\ It is dated (i. 1) in the generation fol- 
lowing that of Joel and Obadiah, about 800 or 750 B. C. 

193. Hosea. — Dated similarly (i. 1, etc.), except that the 
different discourses are of different dates. Beginning as a 
younger contemporary of Amos, Hosea outlived most of the 
men of the next succeeding generation. His latest prophecies 
seem to me to be dated within the six years between the acces- 
sion of Hezekiah and the fall of Samaria, B. C. 724-718. 

194. The hvo prophecies, Zech. ix-xi and xii-xiv. — The his- 
torical situation of these is at a time when the Assyrian is 
dominant, the northern kingdom of Israel in existence, and 
foreign deportations begun (ix. 10, x. 6, 10. xiv. 4 sq., etc.). 
They are precisely parallel with some of the prophecies of 
Hosea, and the earlier prophecies of Isaiah, and probably be- 
long to that date. Some conservative scholars, however, in- 
sist that they are of the same date with the first chapters of 
Zechariah. Some of the scholars of the new view date them 
as late as the third century B. C. 



LECTURE XXXI. 
Third Period : Prophetic Books. — Continued. 

195. Isaiah. — According to the numerals given in the bible, 
Isaiah was contemporary with Hosea for perhaps forty years, 
in the closing part of Uzziah'srei^n, the reigns of Jotham and 
Ahaz, and the earlier years of Hezekiab, probably outliving 
Hezekiah (i. 1, etc.). I should distribute his prophecies some- 
what as follows : i, introduction, written late ; ii-vi, time of 
Uzziah ; vii-xii, time of Ahaz ; xiii-xxiii. book of burdens, 
various dates; xxiv-xxxv and xxxvi-xxxix, mostly of the 
time of Hezekiah. These, either including or excluding the 
introduction constitute Part I. The remaining chapters are 
Part II — twenty-seven cantos grouped in threes and nines. 
Some of the cantos are separate poems, and are of various 
dates. Many hold that these prophecies were collected into 
our present book of Isaiah much la^er than the time of Isaiah 
the s »n of Amoz, and that some of them are by other prophets. 
Some attribute Part II to a second Isaiah, assumed to have 
lived after the beginning of the conquests of Cyras. 

196. Second group of Minor Prophets. — Micah, contempo- 
raneous with the later years of Isaiah (i. 1), and Nahum, a little 
later, dated by the historical situation and by Josephus. 

197. Third group of Minor Prophets. — Habakkuk, dated 
by its contents a little earlier than Jeremiah ; and Zephaniah, 
just before Jeremiah (i. 1, as interpreted by what follows). 

198. Jeremiah. — A collection of prophecies, into which 
earlier collections of Jeremiah's prophecies have been incor- 
porated (xlvi-li, e. g.), with some confusion of arrangement. 
Earliest prophecies H. C. 626 (i. 2, xxv. 3, 1). Jeremiah lived 
to an unknown date after the destruction of the temple. 



LECTURE XXXII. 
Third Literary Period ; Other Writings. 

199. The list. We have here no time for details. (1) The 
hhokmah books or wisdom books : a. Proverbs, written 
partly in the times of Solomon, and partly later (Prov. i. 1, 
x. 1, xxiv. 23, xxv. 1, xxx. 1, xxxi. 1). b. Job, probably 
shown, by its literary affiliation with Proverbs, to belong to 
the times of Solomon. (2) Canticles, probably written by 
Solomon. (3) Lamentations, by Jeremiah. (4) Some psalms. 
Several of the psalms of Korah, for example, seem by their 
contents to belong to the times of Jehoshaphat, or of Heze- 
kiah (xlv, xlii, xliv, etc., compared with 2 Chron. xx. 19, 
xxix. 13, 11). 

200. Ecdesiastes. — The writer speaks in the person of the 
Kolieleth or Preacher (i. 1 etc). The koheleth is either Solo- 
mon, or a composite figure whose traits are mostly those of 
Solomon. But, on linguistic grounds, most scholars now re- 
gard this book as one of the very latest in the Old Testament. 
The old Jewish tradition attributed it to the times of Hezeki- 
ah. Hence I have not included it in the list given above. If 
there were proof that Solomon wrote it, its form might per- 
haps be accounted for by some theory of translation from the 
Aramaic. 

201. Alleged interpolations. — Certain critics confidently al- 
lege the existence of interpolated passages in substantially all 
these writings, the speeches of Elihu, for example, in Job, 
and generally, the passages that seem to be predictions, or 
that mention certain of the hexateuchal institutions. Gen- 
erally speaking these allegations have relatively little weigh. V 
with one who holds to the early origin of the hexateuch, and 
to the possibility of miraculous prediction. If we accept the 
criteria by which these interpolations are made out, they 



76 CANONS OF ISAIAH AND JEREMIAH. 

prove that all the extant writings of an entire national litera- 
ture have been reworked, which is not very probable. It is 
more likely that the alleged criteria are mere characteristic 
peculiarities of the literature itself. 

202. Canons of Isaiah and of Jeremiah. — a. It is natural to 
suppose that, before the death of Isaiah, the prophetic books 
of the Assyrian periods, together with Proverbs, Job, Canti- 
cles, and the contemporaneous psalms, had come to be recog- 
nized as sacred writings, so that the canon of Isaiah included 
these, together with the canon of Nathan, b. The canon of 
Jeremiah probably included the Palestinian prophetic books 
of the Babylonian period, and the books of Kings, in addi- 
tion to the canon of Isaiah (Qus. 141, 180). 



LECTURE XXXIII. 
Foueth Literary Period : The History. 

203. The historical work. — 1 and 2 Chronicles, with Ezra 
and Nehemiah. Not necessarily by one author, but forming 
one series. Repeating the history contained in the previous 
books, and bringing it up to the close of the biblical period. 
Omitting most of what the books of Samuel and Kings say 
concerning Saul, concerning the faults of David and Solomon, 
and concerning the northern kingdom ; adding much matter 
concerning genealogies, the public worship, the priests, etc. 
This history might be called priestly and Judaic, the books 
of Kings and Samuel, Israelite and prophetic. State con- 
tents, in the following sections, mentioning instances where 
they illustrate the distinctive character of this series of wri- 
tings : 1 Chron. i-ix, x-xxi, xxii-xxix, 2 Chron. i-ix, x-xvi, 
xvii-xxii, xxiii-xx\iii, xxix-xxxiii. xxxiv-xxxvi, Ezra, 
Nehemiah. 

204. Who ivrote Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah f — As we 
shall see, the latest events recorded in the Old Testament 
happened within the probable lifetime of Nehemiah, Coup- 



THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES TRUSTWORTHY. 77 

ling this with the evident unity of the work, and with the 
fact that the deeds of Ezra and Nehemiah are often related 
in the first person (Ezra viii. 15, etc., Neh. i. 1, etc.), Ave 
may conclude that this work was written by Ezra and Nehe- 
miah, or under their influence. Other evidence confirms this. 
205. Historicity of Chronicles. — Many assume that these 
books are untrustworthy, alleging as reasons : (1) That they 
have been less carefully preserved than some of the other 
books. The fact is admitted (e. g. " Jehoahaz, ' "forty two," 
xxi. 17, xxii. 2), but not to the extent of its impairing the 
credibility of the Chronicles. (2) That the Chronicles were 
written many centuries after most of the events they record. 
But though this might account for their untrustworthiness, 
if that were proved, it does not prove them untrustworthy. 
(3) That the authors had no ancient sources save the writings 
now found in our bibles ; so that whatever statements they 
make in addition to those found in the earlier books must be 
regarded as merely the exj)ression of their opinions, a. If 
this were true, it would still be also true that their opinions 
might be correct, and, further, that their being inspired might 
give special value to their opinions b. It is true that 
the first nine chapters of Chronicles may have been mostly 
(not entirely, e. g. iv. 9, 10) gathered from the older parts of 
the bible ; that x-xxi are made up of transcriptions, slightly 
abbreviated, of parts of 1 and 2 Samuel, with considerable 
sections of additional matter ; that xxii-xxix are mostly new 
matter ; that 2 Chronicles is made up of transcriptions from 
Kings, with added materials, c. It is correct to g<> as far as 
possible in identifying the books of Kings, Samuel, Nathan, 
Gad, Ahijah, etc., mentioned in Chronicles, with our present 
books of Sam \vA and Kmg (Q,h. l:>\ 14, 184). I. But many 
of the writings referred to cannot be thus identified. Among 
these are writings of the times of David (2 Chron. xxxv 4, 
1 Chron. xxiii. 27, xxiv. 6, xxvii. 24, Ezra vi. 18 [cf. 1 
Chron. xxiv-xxvi] and 2 Chron. xxix. 25, xxxv. 15, 1 Chron. 
ix. 22, xx vi. 28); genealogical writings (2 Chron. xii. 15, 1 
Chron. ix. 1); the two midr" shim (2 Chron. xiii. 22, xxiv. 



78 PROPHETS OF THE FOURTH PERIOD. 

27); " The Words of the Kings of Israel," "The Words of 
Hosai, " "The Lamentations,' (2 Chron. xxxiii. 18, 19, 
xxxv. 25). From these works the author of Chronicles may 
have drawn most of the statements which he has added to the 
history as given in Samuel and Kings. And it is unscientific 
to assume that none of these sources were ancient or trust- 
worthy, e. As a rule the Hebrew of the added sections is, 
linguistically, the late Hebrew of the times when the Chron- 
icles were written ; but this does not necessarily prove that 
there were no ancient sources for these sections ; it may be 
accounted for by the theory that the author treated his sacred 
sources mainly by transcription, but other sources mainly by 
rewriting the facts. (4) That the writers of Chronicles, to a 
greater extent than the others, show a disposition to preach — 
stating the facts for the purpose of influencing men, rather 
than for the sake of the facts themselves. Admitted ; but a 
man may state facts correctly, even when he preaches (5) 
That the books of Chronicles abound in incredible statements, 
and in statements that contradict those of Samuel and Kings. 
But in general the instances are capable of denial, or of satis- 
factory explanation. (6) That many of these instances are 
most naturally to be explained as the result of prejudice on 
the part of the authors of Chronicles. But this allegation can- 
not be sustained, though some of the instances are quite 
plausible. 



LECTURE XXXIV. 

Fourth Literary Period : Other Writings. 

206. Prophetic books. — a. Ezekiel. Addressed to Jews in 
exile in Babylonia, before and after the destruction of the 
temple. Not later than parts of Jeremiah and Kings, but not 
Palestinian, like them. State the nature of the contents of 
i-xxxix, mainly prophetic, and of xl-xlviii, mainly apocalyp- 
tic, b. Haggai. To the returned exiles (i. 1, ii. 1, etc.). 
State contents, c. Zech. i-viii. Same date (i. 1, vii. 1, etc.). 



WONDER STORIES AND APOCALYPSES. 79 

State contents, d. Malachi. Dated by its contents as be 
longing to the second administration of Nehemiah. State 
contents, and show date. 

207. Other books. — a. Daniel. State contents : wonder- 
stories (ii-vi), apocalypses (ii. 31-45, vii-xii). Except on the 
assumption that prediction is impossible, no reason for dating 
it much later than the reign of Cyrus. Both its use of Ara- 
maic and its use of Greek terms might easily have been pos- 
sible at even an earlier period than this (2 Ki. xviii. 26, Joel 
iii. 6, and profane writings), b. Esther. State contents. 
No reason for dating it much later than Xerxes, c. Jonah, 
perhaps (Qu. 191). d. One wisdom book, Ecclesiastes (Qu. 
200). State contents, e. Some psalms (cxxxvii, perhaps 
cxlvi-cl, and others;. 

208. T i co ne i u classes of scriptural rritiugs. — a. The provi- 
dential wonder stories, Jonah. Esther, and the stories in Dan. 
i-vi. In each, one or a few Israelites, with Yahweh to help, 
is pitted against the world empire of his time, and comes out 
victorious. b. Apocalyptic writings, giving a somewhat 
connected disclosure of future events, through symbols that 
are described somewhat in detail. Besides Ezek. xl-xlviii. 
and Dan. vii-xii, other parts of these two books and parts 
of Zechariah are apocalyptic. 



LECTURE XXXV. 

Fourth Period : The Work of Collecting. 

209. In what the work of completing the Old Testament con- 
sisted. — The men that completed the Old Testament, whoever 
they were, did the following varieties of work : a. They 
gathered literary materials — such writings or fragments of 
writings as they could find, bearing on the history and the 
sacred institutions of their nation (see Qu. 13 and references). 
b. They made written studies on subjects of this sort ; witness 
the midr'shim of 2 Chron. xiii. 22, xxiv. 27, and perhaps other 



COMPLETION OF OLD TESTAMENT. 



works tnat are mentioned in Chronicles, c. They wrote the 
latest books of the Old Testament, cl. They collected the 
Hebrew biblical writings ; grouping the three books of the 
major prophets, and the twelve books of the minor prophets ; 
gathering the last books of the psalms, and putting the five 
books of the psalms together, partly incorporating and partly 
redistributing the earlier psalm books (Qu. 170). e. To some 
extent, they probably did a work of revising, annotating, and 
otherwise changing the scriptural writings they collected. 
There is now a strong tendency to go to an extreme in attribut- 
ing to them a great deal of this, but it seems to me that the 
truth lies nearer the opposite extreme. So far as any doctrine 
of inspiration is concerned, it may be held that they were in- 
spired for this work. /. They did something (not all that the 
traditions assign to them, but something) in the way of mak- 
ing arrangements for the uncorrupted transmission of the 
writings. 

210. Who collected tliepsahns f and the prophets f — The Old 
Testament gives us no information, save what we may glean 
by inspecting the collections themselves. From the fact that 
1 Chron. xvi. 36 quotes the doxology that closes the fourth 
book of the psalms, it may be fair to infer that this book was 
collected before 1 Chronicles was written. 

211. The completing of the Old Testament. — So far as the 
evidence we have examined goes, the canon of Nehemiah may 
have been the same with ours (See Qu. 202, etc.). 

It is not necessary to hold that the Old Testament, as a 
whole, was ever completed*by any process of formally putting 
its books together into a collection. It was complete when 
the 150 psalms were differentiated, and the last of the other 
books written. It then existed, and had for hundreds of years 
existed, composed of three kinds of writings, capable of being 
described as the law, the prophets, and the other writings. In 
this sense, certain men completed the Old Testament and 
closed its canon. Whether they closed it in the different 
sense of official definition and promulgation, is a very different 
question. 



LECTURE XXXVI. 

The Latest Old Testament Events 

212. Does the Old Testament date itself f — The fourth his- 
torical series displays an apparent intention to bring the his- 
tory up to the date of the writer. See, for example, the 
genealogies in 1 Chron. iii. 19-24, ix. 1-34. The place given 
to these writings in the Hebrew bibles, together with other 
indications, afford some reason for holding that they are the 
latest of the Old Testament writings. If we find, therefore, 
the latest dated events which they mention, and if we find 
these to be the latest dated events mentioned in the Old Testa- 
ment, we shall thus make some progress toward learning the 
date when the Old Testament was completed. 

213. Four groups of 'postexllian events. — a. Rebuilding of 
temple, etc., B. C. 538-516, reigns of Cyrus, Cambyses, 
pseudo-Smerdis (Ahasuerus, Artaxerxes) and Darius; Zerub- 
babel and Jeshua leaders (Ezra i-vi, Haggai, Zech. i-viii). b. 
B. C. 515-459, including Esther in reign of Xerxes (Ahasue- 
rus) ; no Palestinian events, c. Reforms of Ezra and Nehe- 
miah, B. C. 458-433, seventh to thirty-second of Artaxerxes 
Longimanus (Ezra vii-x, Neh. i-xi. 2). d. Second adminis- 
tration of JSTehemiah, after 433 B. C, reigns (probably) of 
Artaxerxes, Darius Nothus, and Artaxerxes Mnemon (Neh. 
xii. 27-xiii, 1 Chron. ix and Neh. xi. 3-xii. 26, Malachi). 

214. Chronological basis. — The dating of the events of these 
times depends on the succession of the Persian and Greek 



82 



CHRONOLOGICAL BASIS. 



kings and of the Jewish highpriests. 
will be convenient for reference : 



The following 



table 



DATES IN YEARS B. C. 



Persian Kings. 
Cyrus, 538-530. 
Cambyses, 529-522. 
Darius Hystaspis, 521-486. 
Xerxes, 485-465. 

Artaxerxes Longimanus, 464-424. 
Darius Nothus, 423-405. 
Artax. Mnemon, 404 359. 
Artax. Ochus, 358-338. 
Ar.gus, 337-36. 
Darius Codomannus, 335-332. 



Greek Kings. 
Alex, the great, 331-324. 
Syrian. Egyptian. 

Seleucus Nicator, 312-280. Ptolemy Lagus. 323-283. 



Antiochus Soter, 279-261. 
Anti. Theos, 260-246. 
Sel. Callinicus, 245-226. 
Sel. Ceraunus, 225-223. 
Ant. the great, 223-187. 
Sel. Philopator (Soter), 
186-175. 

Ant. Epiphanes, 174-164. 

Ant. Eupator, 163-162. 
Demetrius Soter, 161-151. 
Alex. Bala (Epiphanes), 
150-146. 
Dem. Ni anor, 142-127. 



Pt. Philadelphia. 285-247. 

Pt. Euergetes I, 246-222. 
Pt. Philopator, 221-205. 
Pt. Epiphanes, 204-181. 
Pt. Philometer, 180-146. 



Pt. Euergetes, II (Phvs- 
con), 170-116. 



Jewish Priests. 
Jeshua. 

Joiakim. 

Eliashib. 

Joiada, 40 years? 
Johanan, 32 years? 

Jaddua, 20 years. 



Onias I. 19 years. 
Si"'on I. 
El azar, 293-260? 
Manasseh, 260-234. 
Onias 11,234-219. 

Simon IT, 219-199. 

Onias III, 199-175. 

Jason (Jesus), 175-172. 

Onias IV (Menelaus), 

172 163. 

Alcimus (Jacimus), 

163-160. 
Interval of 7 years. 
Jonathan, 153-143. 
Simon III, 143-135. 
John Hyrcanus, 135-104. 



215. The latest event in the genealogical notes. — (1) 1 Chron. 
ix. 2 sq. is in part a duplicate of Neh. xi. 3 sq., and brings 
the events up to the same point with Neh. xi. 3-xii. 26. a. 
Sallu of "sons of Benjamin" (ix. 7 and xi. 7). b. Same 
priests (ix. 10 and xi. 10-11, ix. 12 and xi. 12). c. Same 



Latest events. 83 



Levites (ix. 14-16 and xi. 15-17). d. Same gatekeepers (ix. 
17 and xi. 19 cf. xii. 25). (2) In these notes are two lists of 
priests : a. The first contains a table of priests and Levites 
"that went up with Zerubbabel" (Neh. xii. 1-9), followed by 
a table of the high priests from Jeshua to Jaddua (10-11). b. 
The second list mentions two enrollments, the first u in the 
days of Joiakim " (12-21, especially 12, 26a) ; and the second 
"in the days of Eliashib, Joiada, and Johanan, and Jaddua'' 
(22-23). c. The two lists alike terminate with Jaddua, and 
his enrollment in the succession of the highpriests is the 
latest event here mentioned. 

216. The date of this latest event. — (1) As the first enroll 
ment of the second list was in the days of Joiakim, so the 
second was in the days of Nehemiah and Ezra (xii. 12, 26). 
(2) The second enrollment is dated : a. In the days of Elia- 
shib and his three successors (22). This is general, b. "Up 
to the days of Johanan the son of Eliashib" (23). This is 
specific. Although the enrollment includes Jaddua, it was 
made before he became highpriest, for it was v ' up to the days 
of ' ' his father, c. ' ' Upon the kingdom of Darius the Per- 
sian" (22). This is most naturally Darius Nothus. Efforts 
have been made to identify him with the later Darius, who, 
however, did not come to the throne till after the days of Jo- 
hanan. An enrollment begun under Nothus might have been 
carried forward under his successor, and that is what this de- 
scription necessarily means. (3). This fits the following : a. 
Among the gatekeepers connected with the latest enrollment 
are Talmon and Akkub (xii. 25) who are also named in 1 
Chron. ix. 17 and Neh. xi. 19. b. Among the men in the lists 
common to 1 Chron. ix and Neh. xi are some who were pres- 
ent at the dedication of the wall (Neh. xii. 32-43). (4) The 
beginning of the pontificate of Johanan is traditionally dated 
about 371 B. C, though there are some reasons for dating it 
earlier. The year 371 B. C. is about 73 years after Nehemiah 
first came to Jerusalem, and, as he was then certainly very 
young, it is not incredible that he was still alive B. C. 371 or 
a decade or two earlier. 



84 LATEST EVENTS. 



Thus the date we obtain for this latest event is early in the 
fourth century B. C, and within the probable lifetime of Ne- 
heniiah. 

217. The latest event mentioned in the narrative. — "And 
there was a son-in-law to Sanballat the Horonite of the sons 
of Joiada the high priest, and I expelled him from me ' ' (Neh. 
xiii. 28). Josephns says that this son-in-law was Manasseh, 
grandson to Joiada, and brother of Jaddua ; that he became, 
with the aid of the Sanballat family, the founder of the Sa- 
maritan religion ; and that the Samaritan temple was built in 
the time of Alexander the Great {Ant. XL vii). Here as 
often elsewhere, Josephns is mixed in his chronology, and in 
his identifications of the Persian kings, but is doubtless cor- 
rect in his main facts. 

This latest event of the narrative fits the latest event of the 
genealogical notes (Qui. 215), and explains the one thing that 
there needs explanation, namely, how it came to pass that 
Jaddua was enrolled in the succession of high priests before 
he came to be highpriest ; for it is natural to think that on 
Manasseh 7 s marriage and expulsion. Jaddua may have been 
formally enrolled in the succession in order formally to ex- 
clude Manasseh. 

218. Inference as to the date of the Old Testament. — These 
are the latest events definitely mentioned in the Old Testa- 
meat ; for the allusions alleged to be made in Daniel and the 
Psalms and elsewhere to the Maccabsean or other later his- 
tory are, at most, general and indefinite, and are not specific 
statements of specific facts. We have found that these latest 
specific events date from within the probable lifetime of Ne- 
hemiah, within the highpriesthood of Johanan, and the 
probability is very strong that the completion of these ac- 
counts and of the books containing them was the completion 
of the Old Testament. 

219. The five scripture-producing epochs. — By the account 
the Old Testament gives of itself, it is neither a late selection 
from Hebrew literature, nor the product of continuous pro- 
phetic writing, from generation to generation. There were 



THE GREEK CONTACT. 85 

five scripture-producing epochs. These may be indicated by 
the names of Moses, Joshua and Phinehas ; of Samuel, Gad 
and Nathan ; of Isaiah ; of Jeremiah ; and of Ezra and Nehe- 
miah. So far as can be ascertained, every author of one of 
our Old Testament books was a contemporary of one of these 
men. But if we add to these the writers whose works are 
used as sources in our present books, it is possible that every 
generation from Abraham to Malachi would be represented 
(Qus. 141, 180, 202, 211). 



PART II. 

LATER EVIDENCE CONCERNING THE OLD TESTA- 
MENT. 



LECTURE XXXVII. 
The Contact of Iseael with the Greeks. 

220 The plan of Part II — In the present lecture we will 
glance at a few salient facts of the history following the bibli- 
cal times. In the next two lectures we will have an outline 
of the secondary sacred literature of Israel, which will be our 
principal field for gathering evidence. In the subsequent 
lectures we shall take up in succession the topics that touch 
the completion and early history of the Old Testament. 

On these subjects no one can be intelligent, unless he does 
some reading by himself. For the history one should read, 
at least, the following : Josephus, Antiquities, books XI-XIII 
and Jewish War, Book I ; the first and second books of the 
Maccabees ; some history of Alexander the great and his suc- 
cessors ; good articles on Alexandria and Antioch. 

221. The earliest Greek contact. — The Greeks were in con- 
tact with the Phoenicians and Egyptians from remote antiq- 
uity, and it is impossible that Israel did not share this con- 



86 THE GREEK CONTACT. 

tact to some extent. In the Babylonian and Persian times 
there mnst have been a more extended contact, especially in 
Egypt. But these were unimportant compared with the con- 
tact that followed the conquests of Alexander the great. 

222. Israel daring the latest Persian reigns. — Jewish popu- 
lations possessing some wealth and importance, in every part 
of the Persian empire ; an especially cultivated and respecta- 
ble Jewish population in Babylonia ; an honorable Israelitish 
nationality, thanks to Nehemiah, centering in Jerusalem ; 
and another that claimed to be Israelite, centering in Samaria ; 
both, of course, tributary to Persia, 

223. Alexandria. — Founded by Alexander the great 332 B. 
C. After his time, the principal seat of the Ptolemies and the 
Greek-Egyptian empire. Largely a Greek city. Especially a 
great literary centre. Israelitish citizens, both Jewish and 
Samaritan, numerous and influential from the first. 

224. Antioch. — On the Orontes. There were fourteen other 
Antiochs. The seat of the Syrian-Greek empire, having been 
founded 300 B. C. In some respects the rival of Alexandria. 
Many Jewish citizens, but never such a Jewish seat as Alex- 
andria became. 

225. Other points of contact. — As in these two cities, so in 
other centres of population. The Israelites seem to have at- 
tracted more attention from the Greeks than did other orien- 
tal races. Add to this that the Syrian and Egyptian Greek 
empires struggled with one another for the possession of Pal- 
estine, each alternating between the butchery of the Jews by 
wholesale and the granting them distinguished favors. 

226. The era of the Greeks. — Beginning witn the reign of 
Seleucus, 312 B. C. Used in the Apocrypha and Josephus 
for dating events. 

227. The Maccabcean Wars. — Antiochus Epiphanes took 
Jerusalem 170 B. C. ; profaned the temple, December 168 ; 
this was followed by dreadful persecutions, and by armed re- 
sistance, led by Judas Maccabeus and his brothers ; they 
were successful, and purified the temple B. C. 165 ; Epiphanes 
died the following year, but the war continued ; a treaty was 



THE GREEK CONTACT. 87 

made with the Romans B. C. 162 ; the following year Judas 
died, and was succeeded by his brother Jonathan ; he was 
made highpriest B. C. 153 ; in B. C. 143 his brother Simon 
succeeded hifri as highpriest. and Judaea became independent. 
To appreciate the fierceness, the heroism, the fanaticism, the 
nobility of character and conduct, the cruelty, the lofty 
patriotism of these times, one must read the history in detail. 
228. Underlying tendencies. — Out of this close and pro- 
tracted contact with the Greeks sprang certain conflicting 
tendencies, which determined the events, both of the external 
history and of the history of thought, for the times. First, 
there was what may be called the noble Hellenizing tendency. 
Many Jews who were faithful to their own institutions yet 
recognized what was good in the civilizations around them, 
and were willing to accept it. They were especially eager to 
bring their institutions to the attention of intelligent Greeks. 
This tendency has been largely ignored by Christian writers, 
but it is well represented in the fact of the Septuagint 
translation, in the author of Ecclesiasticus, in the 
Alexandrian Greek writers of the two centuries before Christ, 
in many of the Hellenizing Jews of New Testament times, 
and in Josephus. Probably its adherents were influential, 
even if not numerous, from the times of Alexander down. 
Second was the ignoble Hellenizing tendency, represented, for 
example, by the highpriest Menelaus, that of the men who 
would have been glad to give up the Jewish religion and in- 
stitutions, and become Greeks. Third was the Judaizing 
tendency, represented by the Maccabees, the Pharisees, 
and the Judaizers of the New Testament. This was reaction- 
ary from the Hellenizing tendencies, and like all reaction, 
was noble or ignoble according to circumstances. Its central 
idea was strict adherence to Israelitish traditions, but as a 
matter of fact, its interpretations of tradition often differ 
widely from i~he authentic tradition itself. Fourth, in reac- 
tion from the Judaizing tendency, arose a liberal Jewish ten- 
dency, represented in later times by the Sadducees. This was 
always strongest in the prominent priestly families, among 



SECONDARY SACRED LITERATURE. 



men who had a financial interest in orthodoxy, combined with 
a disposition to be luxurious. They denied the more puri- 
tanica] and uncomfortable doctrines of the Judaists, and were 
mildly skeptical, in a cultured way, in other matteis. 



LECTUEE XXXVIII. 
The Postbiblical Israelitish Literature. 

229. Directions for study. — In the following classification: 

a. By the aid of books of reference, define the terms used. 

b. Fix in memory the outlines of the classification, c. Write 
out a brief account of each of the more important works, its 
supposed date and author, its contents. 

230. The secondary sacred writings and writers. — a. Mid- 
rash means " inquiry." The word is sometimes used to de- 
note all the Jewish writings that deal with the Old Testament 
and the sacred traditions ; more properly, it denotes a certain 
class of them. 6. The Sopherim, ''scribes," were writers or 
students who busied themselves with the Old Testament or 
sacred traditions. 

231. Classification of ivr iters. — The chief work in the sec- 
ondary literature is the Talmud. Hence the older postexilian 
Jewish writers may be classed chronologically as follows : 

First, Pre-talmudic, before about 200 B. C. 

Second, Talmudic : a. Early Tanaite, 200 B. C. to TO A. D. 
b. Later Tanaite, 70 to 200 A. D. c. Amoraite, 200 to about 
550 A. D. 

Third, Post-talmudic, about 550 to 1038 A. D. ; including, 
among others, the later Masoretes, and the later Cabalists. 

232. Geographical grouping. — They mostly fall into three 
groups : the Hellenistic or Alexandrian, the Palestinian, and 
the Babylonian. The post-talmudic scribes were Babylonian. 

233. The Tanaim. — The earlier Tanaites best known to 
Christians are the scribes and lawyers of the time of Jesus. 
Thev had maintained their succession for two centuries or, 



SECONDARY SACRED LITERATURE. 89 

more. The later Tanaim and the Amoraim are the writers of 
the Talmuds (see Qu. 237). 

234. The modern period — At the beginning of the modern 
period, that is about 1038 A. D., the centres of Jewish learn- 
ing were transferred to Europe, and notably to Spain. We 
need not notice later Jewish writers, excepting to note that 
Maimonides, born at Cordova A. D. 1135, did such notable 
work in collecting and digesting the traditions of his people, 
that his writings have ever since remained a storehouse of 
materials on these subjects. 

235. Classifications of writings. —The extant sacred 1 sraelitish 
writings up to 1038 A. D., may be thus classified : First, 
Miqra, the Old Testament ; second, Hellenistic writings ; 
third, Hebraistic writings, including Aramaean works as well 
as Hebrew. 

236. Hellenistic writings. — (1) Translations of the Old Tes- 
tament. The Septuagint, begun about 285 B. C. Other 
translations soon after the Christian era. (2) Pseudo-biblical. 
a. Apocryphal. The 14 apocryphal books of the English 
Bibles, except 2 Esdras ; with 3 Maccabees, the 151st Psalm, 
and the Septuagint additions to Job, Samuel, Kings, b. 
Pseudepigraphical : the book of Enoch ; the Jewish portions 
of the Sibylline Oracles ; the Apocalypse of Baruch ; the 
Psalms of Solomon ; the Assumption of Moses ; the Ascension 
of Isaiah ; the Book of Jubilees ; the Testaments of the 
Twelve Patriarchs ; 2 Esdras ; 4 and 5 Maccabees (see especi- 
ally Dr. Bissell, in the commentary on the Apocrypha, in the 
Lange series). (3) Historical, for example : a. Epistle of 
Aristseus, 2nd cent. B. C. (see Aristceus, and Septuagint). b. 
Josephus, A. D. 37-103. (4) Philosophical, for example: a. 
Aristobulus, 2nd cent. B. C. (see Septuagint, McClintock and 
Strong, page 589). b. Aristseus. c. Philo, at the beginning 
of the Christian era. d. The early Cabala, in the ancient 
parts of the books of Jezirah and Zohar. e. The book known 
as 4 Maccabees (see Bissell page 637). (5) At this point is the 
place for the New Testament books, when regarded merely as 
parts of a national literature. 



LECTURE XXXIX. 

POSTBIBLICAL LITERATURE — OoXTKsTUED. 

237. Heb ) a istic writings. — (l)On the text of Scripture, a, 
Masora. Dealing with the text and pronunciation of the 
Hebrew Bible. Traces of it early in The Tanaite period, or 
even earlier. Collected into separate work near the close of 
the Amoraite period. Largely embodied in the vowels, ac- 
cents, and notes of our present Masoretic text. b. Targums, 
that is, Aramaic translations. Oral, from very ear]y times. 
Perhaps written, to some extent, before the time of Jesus. 
The present Targums date from the first cent. A. D. to the 
modern period. (2) The Seder Olam, A. D. 100-150, with a 
relatively modern addition, the Seder Olam Zutta. (3) Mish- 
na. a. The Mishna proper. Collections of the opinions of 
about 130 rabbis, mostly Tanaite scribes (Young's Pirke 
Aboth, p. 46), but some as earlv as 300 B. C, or earlier. Col- 
lection begun by Hlllel, B. C. 75 to A. D. 8, and finished by 
the immediate disciples of Juclah the holy, who died A. D. 
193. b. Tosiphta. Additional Mishnayyoth collected about 
330 A. D. (See Ugolino, and in McC. and St., Talmud pp. 168, 
169, and Biblical Study, by Professor Briggs. by index), c 
Boraitha, including Mechilta, Siphra, Siphre, etc. (same ref- 
erence, and Midrash in McC. and St.. p. 211). (4) Gremara. a. 
Of Palestine (Tiberias), A. D. 200 to 35 ). This, with the Mish- 
na, constitutes the Jerusalem Talmud, b. Of Babylon, A. 
D. 350-550. This with the Mishna constitutes the 
Babylonian Talmud. Some of the additional Mish- 
nayyoth are found within the G-emaras. (5) Lit- 
urgies, uncertain in date, but beginning at least before the 
completion of the Mishna, and changing more or less until the 
present time. (6) Midrash proper. a. Midrash Rabboth. 
Comment on the Pentateuch and the rive M'gilloth. Begun 
A. D. 278. 6. Pesikta. Lectures on feasts and fasts, A. D. 



THE GREAT SYNAGOGUE. 91 

330-411, re-edited much later, c. Midrash Tanhuma. On 
Pentateuch, 440 A. D. d. Pirke Rabbi Eliezer, who lived A. 
D. 70. On incidents from many parts of the Bible, e. Many 
later Midr'shim. 

238. Another classification. — The contents of the secondary 
sacred Israelitish writings are classified as Halaka zm& Haga- 
da, that is, nearly, precepts for conduct, and opinions. The 
Talmuds are prevailingly halakic, and the Hellenistic writings 
and the Midrash prevailingly hagadic. 



LECTURE XL. 
The Men of the Great Synagogue. 

239. The limits of the pretalmuclic period. — In this period 
we have chiefly to do with the men who are called the men of 
the great synagogue. The last of these is said to have been 
Simon the just, his successor being Antigonus of Socho, the 
first great Tanaite. The date is curiously related to that of 
the book of Ecclesiasticus. 

Simon the just was the highpriest, the son of Onias. But 
was he Simon I, or Simon II (Qu. 213) ? 

From the fiftieth chapter of Ecclus., it is inferred that the 
writer had seen him. But, according to the prologue, the 
translator of Ecclus. wrought soon after ' ' the 38th year upon 
King Euergetes." Now the 38th year of Euergetes II was B. 
C. 133. If this is the date intended, the Simon in question is 
Simon II, who is believed to have been highpriest B. C. 219- 
199, and the book was written, by the grandfather of the 
translator, late enough so that the writer looked back upon 
Simon as belonging to the past. On the other hand, the date 
of Euergetes I was B. C. 246-222. Reckoning on the basis of 
any supposable 38th year in his reign, Ecclus. was translated 
about 220 B. C. or earlier, and was written several decades 
before that, and the Simon mentioned was Simon I, about 300 
B.C. 



92 THE GREAT SYNAGOGUE. 

It is safe to avoid assumptions which either of these theo- 
ries would invalidate 

240. Some of the traditions concerning the great Synagogue. 
— Of these the following excerpts are specimens : 

i; By the Consistory of Ezra are understood the men of the 
great Synagogue, to wit, Haggai. Zeehariah, Malachi. Daniel, 
Hananiah, Mishael, Azariah, Xehemiah the son of Hachaliah, 
Mordecai, Bilshan, Zerubbabel. and many wise men with 
them. In all they were 120 elders, the last of whom within 
the number of 120 was Simon the just, who received the oral 
law from all these, and was highpriest after Ezra" (Mai- 
monides, in Ugolino. vol. i.. col. 12). 

"Moses received the law from Sinai, and delivered, it to 
Joshua, and Joshua to the elders, and the elders to the proph- 
ets, and the prophets delivered it to the men of the great 
Synagogue. They said three things : Be deliberate in judg- 
ment, train up many disciples, and make a fence for the law. 
Simon the just was of the remnant of the great Synagogue. 
He used to say : On three things the world standeth — on the 
law. and on the service, and on gratitude for kindness" 
{Pirke Aboth [from the Mishna, say 150 A. D ] 1, 2, Young's 
translation). 

1 - At first they said that Proverbs, Canticles, and Ecclesias- 
tes are apocryphal. They said : They are x>arabolic writings, 
and not of the Hagiographa. So they prepared to suppress 
them, till the men of the great Synagogue came and explained 
them " ( cited by W. Robertson Smith, Lect. vi, note 8, from the 
Aboth of Rabbi Nathan, a relatively late commentary on the 
Pirke Aboth). 

" What did the men of the great Synagogue do \ They wrote 
a book and spread it out in the court of the temple. And at 
dawn of day they rose and found it sealed. This is what is 
written in Xehemiah"' CXeh. ix. 38) (W. R. Smith, Lect. 
vi, note 3, citing the Midrash to Ruth, perhaps 278 A. D.). 

" Purim is instituted, concerning which there is a discussion 
by 85 elders, of whom more than 30 were prophets " : (Light- 
foot x. 525, citing Hieros. in Megil. fol. 7. col. 4). 

"At least the Megila Jrr. (i. 5) and Mid rash Ruth (sec. 3) 
speak of an assembly of 85 elders, who are probably" the 84 
enumerated Neh. x. 1-27, with Ezra. ''Another tradition 
gives the number as 12* ), which may be got by adding the 
chief of the fathers enumerated in Ezra viii. 1-14 to the 102 
heads of families in Ezraii. 2-58" (Davidson, Canon, page 27). 



TBE GREAT SYNAGOGUE. 93 

241. Views as to the organization called the great Syna- 
gogue. — a. An ecclesiastical council, contemporaneous with 
Ezra, Etheridge. b. Extending over several generations, but 
dominated by the spirit of Ezra, Prideaux. c. Merely the 
convocation described in Nell, viii-x, W. R. Smith, citing 
Gfraetz and Krochmal. d. A permanent body organized at 
that convocation, McC. and Strong. 

242. The men of the great Synagogue. — They, as distin- 
guished from the- organization, were certainly historical. a. 
As a succession of men, they succeed the prophets, but many 
of them were prophets. b. They begin with Daniel and his 
companions, and include the Jewish public men of the suc- 
ceeding three or four centuries, c. They were much occupied 
with matters of public worship and administration, and with 
the scriptures and other literature, d. Ezra is the representa- 
tive man among them, as well for those of them who pre- 
ceded or followed him as for those who were contemporary 
with him. 

243. Prophetic and post-prophetic. —The men of the great 
Synagogue belong chronologically in two groups, those who 
lived before the cessation of prophecy, that is, perhaps, be- 
fore the death of Nehemiah, and those who lived later, a. Of 
the first class, only Ezra and Zadok (Neh. xiii. 13) are called 
scribes, though guilds of scribes are mentioned in 1 Chron. ii. 
55. To say nothing, as yet, of the work of these men on the 
scriptures, they doubtless produced the midr'shim mentioned 
in 2 Chron. xiii. 22, xxiv. 27, very likely the book of Baruch 
in Hebrew, and presumptively other literary work. b. The 
post-prophetic men of the great Synagogue or their contempo- 
raries probably wrote the Hebrew originals of Tobit, First 
Esdras, the Epistle of Jeremiah, the Prayer of Manasseh, the 
apocryphal additions to 1 Kings, Daniel, and Esther, or of 
so many of these as had Hebrew originals. The existence of 
these in Greek began in the generations when the Septuagint 
was being translated. The absence from them of the Macca- 
bsean spirit, and their silence as to the Maccabsean times, are 
arguments of varying weight in favor of their pre-Maccabsean 



94 THE SEPTUAGINT. 



origin, c. The book of Ecclesiasticus is certainly pre-Macca- 
bsean, and certainly marks one phase of the period when the 
men of the great Synagogue ceased, and the succession of 
the Tanaites began. 



LECTUHE XLT. 
The Septuagint. 

244. Current Statements. — In the books of a few years ago, 
it was commonly said that the Septuagint translation of the 
Old Testament was made in Alexandria, about 280 B. C. In 
more recent books, the statements made are disputed and con- 
tradictory. See articles in the Bible Dictionaries, and in the 
Encyc. Britannica and Amer. Sup. 

245. Aristceus. — a. Most of the statements made concerning 
the Septuagint come from the so- called letter of Aristseus, a 
fiction dating, probably, from the latter part of the second 
century B. C, purporting to be an account of the event it- 
self, but more particularly of the philosophical discussions in 
which the distinguished translators engaged before Ptolemy. 
Make a digest of this, from the letter of Aristseus, in Hody, 
or from Josephus {Ant. XII. ii, Preface 3, Cont. Ap. ii. 4). b. 
But some of the statements currently made are independent 
of Aristseus. For example, Philo (Life of 3Ioses, book 2, iv- 
vii) says that there was a miraculous agreement between the 
Hebrew and the translation. In the hands of the Christian 
fathers, this became a miraculous agreement among the transla- 
tors, when they varied from the Hebrew (Epiphanius in 
Migne, Greek Patrologia, xliii. 242, 374 ; also Justin Martyr, 
Irenseus, and Augustine, as cited in Smith's Bib. Die). The 



THE SEPTUAGINT. 95 



Jewish traditions, besides repeating some of these things, 
sjDeak of " five elders who wrote the law for Ptolemy the king 
in Greek," and speak of their changing thirteen places, mat- 
ters not referred to in Aristseus (Lightfoot, xii. 579 sq., x. 
419 sq.). And of especial importance are two passages : 

"It is evident that Plato followed onr law, and he was evi- 
dently a careful student of everything in it. For there had 
been translated before Demetrius Phalereus, through others, 
before the conquest of Alexander and the Persians, the mat- 
ters pertaining to the going forth of the Hebrews, our fellow 
citizens, from Egypt, and the manifestation of all that hap- 
pened to them, and the conquest of the land, and the detailed 
account of the whole legislation. * * * * * But the whole 
translation of all things pertaining to the law was in the time 
of him called King Philadelphus, thy ancestor, * * * * 
Demetrius Phalereus being active in these matters" ; address- 
ed to Ptolemy Philometer, 180-146 B. C, by Aristobulus 
(Eusebius. Prep. Evang., XIII. xi, Clement, Stromata, I. xv, 
xxii. in Migne xxi. 1098, viii. 781, 889 sq.). 

"They say the scriptures, both of the law and the prophet- 
ical, to have been interpreted from the dialect of the Hebrews 
into the Greek tongue in the time of King Ptolemy Lagus, or, 
as some say, of the one called Philadelphus, Demetrius Pha- 
lereus bringing to this the greatest ambition, and providing 
the things concerning the interpretation " (Clement, Strorn- 
ata, Migne viii. 8J4). 

246. The facts. — The story of Aristseus certainly contains 
fabulous elements. But the Septuagint is a fact, and the 
standard account of its origin certainly contains some ele- 
ments of fact. The following points may probably be accept- 
ed as historical. 

247. The facts — translation made by Alexandrian Jews. — 
This U contrary to the accounts given in the traditions ; but 
the peculiarities of the Greek which the translators have given 
us, and those of their Hebrew scholarship, put it beyond 
question. 

248. The facts— planned 285 B. C— About 285 B. C, the 
date at which Ptolemy Philadelphus became king with Lagus, 
some arrangement was made for putting the Jewish sacred 
books into the Alexandrian library, and some correspondence 



THE SEPTUAGINT. 



was had with the Palestinian Jews for this purpose. The out- 
side testimony confirms the Aristrean account to this effect. 

In addition to this, however, both before and after this 
date, the Alexandrian Jews must have had occasion to use 
their sacred writings in Greek, both for themselves, and in 
their disputes with the Samaritans, and very likely in discus- 
sions with Greeks. 



LECTURE XLII. 

The Septuagiistt — Co^thstued. 

249. The facts — neglected points in the traditional account. 
— a. One of these is that Ptolemy desired and secured accu- 
rate transcriptions in Hebrew for his library, as well as the 
translation into Greek (Jos. Ant. XII. ii. 2, 1, 4, 13, and Epipha- 
nius. b. Another point is that the pains he took was for the 
securing of an accurate text, there being plenty of inferior 
texts already accessible (Jos. Ant. XII. ii. 4). c. If these state- 
ments be accepted as historical, and there is no reason for not 
accepting them, then the transcription may probably enough 
have been the work of Palestinian Jews, while most of the 
translation work was certainly not done by them. There is 
even no improbability, considering the disputes then preva- 
lent between the Samaritans and the Jerusalem Jews, in the 
assertion that an official copy was brought from Jerusalem, to 
be transcribed and verified under the eye of King Ptolemy's 
literary men. d If there was then the same contrast which 
existed for 14 centuries before the art of printing, between the 
verbal accuracy of the Jewish copyists of the scriptures and 
the verbal negligence customary among the Greeks, then the 
accuracy of the transcription, and the tests used for securing 
it, may constitute the nucleus of fact around which, later, 
grew the marvelous stories concerning the accuracy of the 
translation. 



THE SEPTUAGINT. 97 



250. The facts — previous translation ivork. — But parts of 
the scriptures had been previously translated. This follows, 
almost of necessity, from the nature of the case, and is 
affirmed, for example, in the passages from Aristobulus and 
from Clement, cited above, cf. Jos. Ant. XII. ii. 4, 14. 

It follows that the translators of Ptolemy, or their succes- 
sors, would, of course, incorporate into their work whatever 
previous work, available for the purpose, they found. 

251. The facts — the text used. — The external evidence, with 
which all the internal marks agree, goes to prove that the 
work was undertaken by men who appreciated the importance 
of having a good text, but who were also in possession of in- 
ferior texts, and whose work, especially the parts of it that 
were taken from previous translations, was greatly affected 
by the inferior texts (Jos. Ant. XII. ii. 4, etc.). 

252. The facts — the time occupied. — The different parts of 
the Greek Old Testament bear the marks of having been trans- 
lated by different hands, and, possibly, in different genera- 
tions. It is commonly stated that the accounts say that the 
pentateuch was first translated, but they do not say this. 
Very likely, however, it was first translated, as they would be 
likely to begin at the beginning. 

253. The facts — the plan concerned the Old Testament. — 
The Jewish sacred books which Ptolemy's men obtained, or 
laid their plans to obtain, are called in Josephus {Preface 3) 
the law. 

"But those who were sent to Alexandria on the matter of 
the exegesis, delivered only the books of the law ; but the 
things set forth by the sacred writings are numberless." 

Josephus gives this as a reason for writing his history, 
namely, that he may render accessible to Greeks the contents 
of these other sacred writings that were not included in the 
law. But long before this time, the whole Old Testament had 
been translated into Greek, and was familiarly known as the 
law (Qus. 34-37). It follows that by the law -Josephus here 
means, not the Pentateuch, as is often asserted, but the Old 
Testament. 



98 THE SEPTUAGINT. 



According to the Aristsean account. Ptolemy's men had in 
mind, from the beginning of the movement, a body of sacred 
Jewish writings, familiarly known to be distinct from all 
other writings, but more extensive than the pentateuch. It 
uses such terms as " many books of laws" (XII. ii. 1), " the 
books of the Jewish legislation, with some others " (ii. 4), "a 
great desire of knowing our laws, and of obtaining the books 
of our sacred scriptures " {Cont. Ap). The whole account im- 
plies a much larger collection- of books than merely the five 
books of Moses. The passages cited above from Aristobulus 
and Clement confirm this, and the Christian fathers, Epipha- 
nius, for example, are very explicit in defining the collection 
then made as including all the books of the Hebrew scriptures, 
with some others. Not even the most extreme critics dispute 
that most of the Old Testament books were then in existence, 
and the idea that the king wanted less than the whole body ot 
the then celebrated Hebrew literature is inconsistent with his 
purpose to put into the library all the books in the known 
world. 

It does not follow that the plan was then completely carried 
out, and all the books translated at that time. The common 
opinion of scholars is that they were not. When Lagus died, 
and the influence of Demetrius ceased, it is very likely that 
many of their plans lapsed. But there is no valid reason for 
denying that the traditions are correct as far as concerns the 
existence of this plan. 



LECTUEE XLIII. 

The Old Testament of the Times of Jesus. 

254. Explanatio7i. r -We have now taken a survey of the 
secondary sacred literature of Israel, and are nearly ready to 
ask, specifically, what information it may give as to the com- 
pletion of the Old Testament. But we shall better under- 
stand that evidence if we first get distinctly in mind another 



THE SCRIPTURES OF THE TIME OF JESUS. 99 



fact, namely, the existence and the position of the completed 
Old Testament in the time of Jesus. 

255. The scriptures, as recognized in the New Testament. — 
Jesus and his contemporaries were familiar with old Israelitish 
writings known as " the scriptures," or " the scripture." The 
word occurs fifty or more times in the New Testament (e. g. 
John v. 39, Mat xxi. 42, Mark xii. 24). Derivatives of the 
passive verb of the same stem, with the translation " written," 
are used about eighty-five times to indicate something as 
found in the "scriptures" (Mat. ii. 5, iv. 4, etc.). This usage 
extends through fourteen of the New Testament books. 

256. Are their scriptures now identifiable f — By means of 
about 260 direct quotations, and many hundreds of allusions 
and oth^r modes of recognition, they identifiy their scriptures 
with our Old Testament. Read, for example, from a bible 
with marginal references (preferably, however, from the re- 
vised text or from Westcott and Hort' s Grreek) such passages 
as Rom. x. 4-21, or ix, or Acts i. 16-20, or 1 Pet. ii. 6-9, or 
Heb. i, or many of the addresses recorded in the Acts. 
Large portions of the New Testament are little else than se- 
ries of excerpts from the Old Testament, with running com- 
ment. 

257. — Their scriptures ivere in three languages. — Most of 
their citations are from the Septuagint, often, however, with 
modifications. Sometimes they follow the SeiDtuagint, even 
when it differs from the Hebrew (e. g. Acts viii. 32, 33). That 
they were not confined to the Septuagint, but used also the 
original Hebrew is evident from the fact that they sometimes 
follow the Hebrew when it differs from the Septuagint (e. g. 
Mat. viii. 17). That they had Aramaic translations, either 
complete or incomplete, either written or oral, appears from 
the fact that the citations in Mat. xxvii. 46, Mark xv. 34 are 
Aramaic. 

Professor Toy's Quotations in the Neio Testament, Charles 
Scribner's Sons, 1884, is of standard value, though Professor 
Toy is incorrect in the extent to which he denies that the men 
of the New Testament used the Hebrew, and assumes that, 



100 ■ THE SCRIPTURES OF THE TIME OF JESUS. ■ 

instead, they used hypothetical Aramaic versions. Tables of 
quotations are found in Stier and Theile's polyglot, and in 
some of the Teacher's bibles. 

258. Their scriptures consist of separate books. — They men- 
tion the Psalms, and attribute them to David, and mention 
books of Moses. Isaiah. Jeremiah. Hosea. Daniel. Joel. There 
are about 36 of the references to other books than those of 
Moses, and about as many to Moses (Lake xx. 12. Acts xiii. 
33, ii. 16, Mat. xiii. 14. xxiv. 15, Rom. ix. 25, and concord- 
ance'. 

259. They classify the books. — The law and the prophets 
(Mat. vii. 12. Luke xxiv. 27. and concordance). Perhaps as 
the law, the prophets, and the Psalms ( Luke xxiv. 44). We 
should not be too hastv in assuming that their threefold divi- 
sion. if they made one, was in all respects that now found in 
the Hebrew bibles (Qus. 31-37. 263-266). Doubtless they 
sometimes speak of the first live Old Testament books as the 
law, but if, additionally, thev distinguished between the 
prophets and the other books, we have no information as to 
where thev drew the line. 



LECTURE XLIY. 

SCEEPTUEES OF THE TlME OE JESUS — CoXTIXEED. 

260. JTheir scriptures a unit — Though they thus speak of 
particular books and classes of books, they yet regard all their 
scriptures as constituting a whole, with ascertained limits, 
sex^arate from other literature, a. They appeal to the script- 
ures as of supreme and recognized authority (e. g. Acts xvii. 
2, 11. Mark xii. 24:. and Cremer's Lexicon on the word grapho). 
b. They separate them in thought from other literature, by 
calling them "holy," " given by inspiration." etc. (e. g. Rom. 
i. 2, 2 Tim. iii. 15. rev. ver.. 16). c. They recognize these 
writings as proper to be officially read in the synagogues 
(Acts xiii. 27. xv. 21. 2 Cor. iii. 15. Luke iv. 16, 17;. d. They 
apply the term scripture tin no other writings than those 



THE SCRIPTURES OF THE TIME OF JESUS. 101 

which they thus recognize as writings to be appealed to. 
When they speak of other writings, they use different phrase- 
ology (Mat. xix. 7, xxvii. 37, John xix. 19, Luke i. 63, xvi. 6, 
7, Rev. i. 11, v. 1, etc.). e. With just the right exceptions to 
emphasize the rule, they prefix the article to this term, thus 
showing that by the scriptures they meant those that were 
commonly known as such, in distinction from other litera- 
ture (see grapJio, graphe, gramma, in Cremer's Lexicon)./. 
For this collection as a whole, they had not merely one name, 
but several names, all used as if they were familiarly known : 
" the law" (John x. 34, xv. 25, xii. 34, 1 Cor. xiv, 21, Rom. 
iii. 10-19, with Old Testament references) ; "the prophets," 
" the prophetic scriptures," etc. (Rom. xvi. 25-27, Heb. i. 1, 
2 Pet. iii. 2, Eph. ii. 20); "the law and the prophets," 
"Moses and the prophets" (see concordance); "oracles" 
(Rom. iii. 2, Acts vii. 38, Heb. v. 12). 

261. But though they regard the canon as definite they do 
not define it. — They do not give a full answer to the question 
what books they regard as scripture. Most of the Old Testa- 
ment books they distinctly identify ; but a few they either do 
not mention at all, or mention them so indistinctly that the 
identification is disputed. The books to which they testify 
least distinctly are 1 and 2 Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Eccle- 
siastes, Canticles, Esther, Obadiah, Nahum. 



LECTURE XLV. 



Canon of the Time of Jesus as Defined by Later Tradi- 
tion. 

262. Testimony of Christian and Jewish Fathers. — These 
witnesses definitely settle the question which the New Testa- 
ment m^n leave open, namely the extent of the canon of the 
Old Testament in the time of Christ. (1) The known Chris- 
tian and Jewish writings before 500 A. D. fill hundreds of 
large volumes. The few passages that any one may cite from 



102 OLD TESTAMENT CANON AS DEFINED BY TRADITION. 



this mass of evidence are only specimens — not the whole. (2) 
a. These authors recognize our thirty -nine books, each as a 
separate book ; all statements inconsistent with this are 
groundless. b. They group the books as twenty-two or 
twenty- four. c. They classify them as the law, the prophets, 
and the remaining books ; though there is no agreement, up 
to the third century A. D., as to which books belong to the 
second division and which to the third. 

263. Jerome. — Translate his Prologus Galeatus (Migne's 
Latin Patrologia, vol. 28, col. 598, Ugolino, vol. 1, col. 228 ; 
Stuart on the Canon, appendix xiv, Wildeboer, Origin of the 
Canon, and many other accessible works). Jerome lived A. 
D. 341-420. He mentions the thirty-nine books, combines 
them so as to reduce the number to either twenty- two or 
twenty-four, preferring the former, and divides them into 
three classes. In the arrangement which makes twenty-four 
books his canon is that of the Hebrew bibles, with slight dif- 
ferences in the order of the books. 

264. Origen. — Translate his catalogue (Migne, Greek Patro- 
logia, vol. 12, col. 1083 and vol. 20, col. 580 ; Delarue's Origen, 
vol. 2, page 529 ; Stuart, appendix v, Wildeboer, etc.). Ori- 
gen lived about A. D. 185 to 253. If this passage stood alone, 
it would have relatively small value, because it is only the re- 
port of Eusebius as to what Origen taught ; but no one who 
has read Origen would deny that it fairly summarizes his testi- 
mony, as found in the hundreds of pages of his writings now 
extant. Certain points should be noted, a. Eusebius pro- 
fesses to quote literally. b. Origen professes to give the 
view of the Hebrews of his time. c. His list, as we now have 
it, omits the twelve minor prophets. Unless we count the 
books of the Maccabees, it mentions but twenty-one books, 
instead of the twenty-two it sets out to mention. But the ex- 
tant fragments of the Hexapla contains passages from most, 
perhaps from all the minor prophets. The index to the two 
volumes of Origen in Clark's Ante-Nicene library includes 
about 500 references to about, thirty of our Old Testament 
books, including nine of the twelve minor prophets. Runnus 



OLD TESTAMENT CANON AS DEFINED BY TRADITION. 103 

and Hilary, disciples of Origen, accept the book of the 
twelve ; evidently, its absence from our copies is a copyist's 
mistake (see notes to references last given ; also Migne, Latin 
Patr., vol 21, col. 373 and vol. 9, col. 241 ; Stuart, appendix 
xvi and xv). "The epistle," included by Origen in Jere- 
miah, may be a part of the apocryphal book of Baruch, but 
with this exception, his Old Testament is certainly our thirty- 
nine books and no others, d. Origen mentions separately 
each of the thirty- nine books except the minor prophets, 
combines the thirty-nine so as to make twenty-two, and 
arranges them in an order which suggests a threefold division 
very different from that of Jerome and the Hebrew bibles, 
but says nothing of a threefold division. 

265. Mel? to, about 170 A. D. — Translate the passage in 
Eusebius iv. 26, Migne, Greek Patr., vol. 20, col. 396 ; Stuart, 
appendix iv, Wildeboer. Mentions u the twelve in one 
book," and names separately the remaining twenty-seven of 
our thirty nine books, excepting Esther, Nehemiah, and Lam- 
entations. Doubtless he included the last two with Ezra and 
Jeremiah. 

266. Second Esdras.-ln 2 Esdras i. 39-40 (100 A. D., or 
later) is a list of our twelve minor prox>hets. 

267. Josephus, A. D. 37 to 103. — In his book against Apion 
i. 8 (cf. Ant. X. ii. 2) he describes the Jewish scriptures as 
consisting of H\e books of Moses, thirteen of the prophets, 
and four of hymns and precepts — twenty-two books in all, in 
a three-fold division very different from that recognized by 
later writers. In most instances, though not all, the books 
recognized by Josephus are indisputably known from the use 
he makes of them. There is no reason for disputing that his 
twenty-two books are our thirty-nine. 

268. The evidence. — In the case of some of the books it is 
weaker than in the case of others, but there is little room for 
doubt in regard to any. For some of them, however, addi- 
tional evidence will presently be given. 



LECTURE XL VI. 
« The Date when the Old Testament was Completed. 

269. The proposition.— -There are many scattered noti< es in 
the Jewish traditions, which, when put together, amount to 
credible testimony that the Old Testament was completed 
during the prophetic part of the pretalmudic period, that is, 
within the probable lifetime of Nehemiah, and has ever since 
been a body of writings by itself. 

270. Untenable positions. — a. The opinion that Ezra pub- 
lished the Old Testament, as a completed canon, can hardly 
be true. b. The opinion that a collection of the Old Testa- 
ment writings was officially made and proclaimed, by the 
great Synagogue, or some equivalent ecclesiastical body, can 
hardly be proved, but perhaps cannot be disproved c. The 
opinion that the work of completing the Old Testament ex- 
tended into the postprophetic part of the pretalmudic period, 
or even to later times, has no ground in the traditions. Where 
these speak at all, they assign all Old Testament work to that 
part of the period which belongs before the succession of the 
prophets ceased. 

271. Tlie Midrash and the Old Testament. — To an extent 
unparalleled in the literatures of other peoples, the Israelitish 
midrash (using the term in its widest sense) all springs from 
the Old Testament, and might all be cited in evidence in re- 
gard to the Old Testament. A few r passages will sufficiently 
represent the whole. 

272. Witness of passages in the apocrypha. — An immense 
number of places might be cited showing that the Old Testa- 
ment sacred books, or particular books among them, were 
ancient before the Maccabaean times (e ? g. 1 Mac. i, 56-57, iii. 
48, iv. 47, Tdbit ii. 6, etc), 



DATE OF THE COMPLETION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 105 

273. Witness of Ecclesiasticus. — a. The Greek translator 
of Ecclesiasticus (see prologue) testifies that as early as 130 
(perhaps a century earlier, Qu. 239) B. C. the law, the proph- 
ets, and the other books were ancient. . b. The Hebrew writer 
of the book, two generations or more earlier, recognizes the 
Old Testament as ancient, quotes from a large number of its 
books, recapitulates its history, and names Nehemiah latest 
in his list of Old Testament worthies (e. g. xv. 1, xxiv. 23, 
xxxiii. 1-3, xxxviii. 33, xxxix. 1-8, and xliii-xlix). 

274. Points from this testimony. — a. It contemplates a well- 
known body of writings ; we will not say a collection of wri- 
tings, b. This body of writings is pretty well defined ; we 
will not say exactly defined, c. In the time of the translator, 
these writings were in existence in Greek as well as in He- 
brew, d. In the minds alike of the translator and the author, 
these writings possessed a peculiar character ; it is not too 
much to say, a sacred character. e. Most of our Old Testa- 
ment books are clearly identified as included in this body of 
writings. /. Hence the testimony is to the effect that the Old 
Testament, in general, was well known as a body of old sacred 
writings, either 200 B. C. or else 300 B. C. g. It is significant 
that its synopsis of Old Testament history closes with Nehe- 
miah. 

This testimony is confirmed and made more specific in the 
two numbers that follow. So far as it goes, it dates the com- 
pletion of the Old Testament as early as the first third of the 
third century B. C, and perhaps a century earlier. 

275. Witness of traditions concerning Ecclus. — Head care- 
fully the book of Ecclesiasticus, BisselFs introduction to the 
same, and the article on this book in McClintock and Strong, 
from which the following are taken : 

"Whoever introduces into his house more than the 24 
books, as for instance the books of Ben Sira and Ben Toglah, 
brings confusion into his house " (Midrash on Ecclesiastes) 

"The book of Ben Sira, and all the other books written 
after its time, are not canonical" (Mishna, treatise Yadhaim, 



106 DATE OF THE COMPLETION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 

"He who studies uncanonical books will have no portion in 
the world to come'* (Sanhed. X. 1). In the Jerusalem Tal- 
mud, this is said to refer to "the books of Ben Sira and Ben 
Lanah. 

Traditions of this sort indicate that all the canonical books 

antedated Ecclesiasticus by a wide interval of time. 

276. Comparison of canonical books with others. — The same 
conclusion would be independently established by comparing 
the canonical books with the uncanonical books of the same 
class. For example, compare Jonah. Daniel, or Esther with 
the Apocryphal parts of Daniel or Esther, or with Judith or 3 
Maccabees ; or compare Proverbs or Ecclesiastes witn Ecclesi- 
asticus or the Wisdom of Solomon. In such comparisons (in 
most cases, without dispute), it is at once evident that the 
canonical books are immensely the earlier. 

277, THY/^.s-.s of the Septuagint. — All these considerations 
confirm the interpretation of the traditions concerning the 
Septuagint that has been given in these notes, and are in turn 
confirmed by those traditions. The Septuagint, as we have 
it. contains the law. meaning by law the Old Testament, and 
some other Jewish writings. We have seen above that the 
traditions say that the original plan was to translate the law 
and some other writings, and that by the law they must have 
meant a wider body of writings than the pentateuch, pre- 
sumptively the Old Testament. This plan, the traditions say. 
was formed about 285 B. C. Doubtless the Septuagint, as it 
now exists, was not then at onc^ produced. Certainly, the 
plan then formed could not have included most of the pres- 
ent apocryphal books, since these were not then written. But 
the mere fact that such a plan was formed implies that the 
Old Testament had then been in existence for some genera- 
tions, as a recognized body of writings. This dates the Old 
Testament in general as earlv as the first half of the fourth 
centurv B. C. 



LECTURE XLVII. 
The Completing of the Old Testament — Continued. 

278. Testimony of Josephus. — He says : 

"As to the time from the death of Moses tiii Artaxerxes 
king of Persia, who reigned after Xerxes, the prophets who 
were after Moses wrote down what was done in their times in 
13 books. * * * * Our history hath been written since Arta- 
xerxes very particularly, but hath not been esteemed of the 
like authority with the former by our forefathers, because 
there hath not been an exact succession of prophets since that 
time" (Cont Ap. i. 8). 

The context of these statements should be carefully studied. 

Josephus certainly included the books of Chronicles and 
Nehemiah among the 13 books which he mentions as written 
by prophets ; but these books mention events later than the 
death of Artaxerxes, B. C. 424. But the note of time here 
intended by Josephus is evidently not B. C. 424, but the life- 
time of the prophets who were contemporaries of Artaxerxes 
— the lifetime of Nehemiah, for example, that is, to the ponti- 
ficate of Johauan, otherwise called Jonathan, which began B. 
C. 371 or earlier. See Qu. 216 (4). 

279. Witness of 2 Maccabees. — This book contains a docu- 
ment that purports to be a letter from Judas Maccabseus and 
others "unto Aristobulus, King Ptolemy's teacher * * * * 
and to the Jews that are in Egypt," dating, therefore, about 
164 B. C. From this letter the two following extracts are 
taken : 

" And the priests made a prayer while the sacrifice was con- 
suming, both the priests and all [the rest], Jonathan begin- 
ning, and the rest responding aloud, as Nehemiah [did] : (2 
Mac. i. 23). 

" So prayed Solomon also, and the fire came down, and 
consumed the burnt offerings. * * * * In the same manner, 
also, Solomon kept the eight days. And the same [things] 
also were reported in the records, namely, the memoirs of 



108 DATE OF THE COMPLETING OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 

Xehemiah ; and how he, founding a library, gathered together 
the books concerning the kings, and prophets, and those of 
David, and epistles of kings concerning holy gifts. And in 
like manner also Judas gathered together, all those books that 
had been scattered bv reason of the war we had. and thev are 
with us. If now. possibly, ye have need thereof, send such 
as will bring them unto you '" (2 Mac. iii. 10-15). 

a. This letter testifies to the fact that Xehemiah lived till 
the time of the high priest Johanan. here called Jonathan, b. 
It refers the account of the fire coming down in Solomon's 
temple, and that of Solomon's keeping eight days (cf. 2 Chron. 
vii. 1-10) to the "Memoirs according to Xeheniiah." That 
is, it applies this name either to the books of Chronicles, or to 
some part of their sources, c. It describes a library that Xe- 
hemiah collected. This library is not. as some have supposed, 
a canon of scripture, but a collection of literary works. Ex- 
actly such a library, presumptively this very library, was at 
the command of the writer of Chronicles. Ezra and Xehe- 
miah. Besides the books of Kings referred to in 2 Chron. xvi. 
11 and eight other places, and the works of Samuel. Gad. 
Nathan. Ahijah. Jedo. Shemaiah, Jehu, Tsaiah, there are ref- 
erences to at least twelve other works (see Qus. 13, 14, etc.; 
also Ezra i. 1 sq.. iv. 7 sq.. v. 6 sq.. vii. 11 sq.. and ii. 1 sq., 
Xeh. vii. 5 sq.). d. In this letter of Judas are some fabulous 
statements, and if it stood by itself, it would not be very 
strong evidence. But it is entitled to consideration as one of 
several independent lines of proof. 

280. Testimony of rabbinical tradition.— The classical pas- 
sage in the Baba Batra is cited in Ugolino. vol. 1, col. 226, 
in Stuart on the Canon, page 266. in Davidson on the Canon, 
page 28, in Smith's Bible Dictionary, " Canon," in Wildeboer, 
etc. The best citation of it is in Briggs' Biblical Study, page 
175. 

" Moses wrote his book, the chapter of Balaam, and Job ; 
Joshua wrote his book and the eight verses of the law ; Sam- 
uel wrote his book and Judges and Ruth : David wrote the 
book of Psalms, upon the hand of the ten ancients. Adam the 
first, Melchizedek, Abraham. Moses. Heman. Jeduthun, 
Asaph, the three sons of Korah ; Jeremiah wrote his, book, 



DATE OF THE COMPLETING OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 109 



the books of Kings, and Lamentations ; Hezekiah and his 
company wrote Isaiah, Proverbs, The Song of Songs, and 
Ecclesiastes * * * .* ; the men of the great Synagogue wrote 
Ezekieland the twelve, Daniel, and the roll of Esther * * * * 
* ; Ezra wrote his book and the genealogy of Chronicles until 
himself." 

" Rab Jehudah told that Rab said : Ezra went not up from 
Babylon until he had registered his own genealogy ; then he 
went up." 

"And who finished [it] % Nehemiah the son of Hachaliah." 

"Joshua wrote his book? But it is written there. And 
Joshua died. Eleazar finished it. But yet it is written there, 
And Eleazar the son of Aaron died. Phinehas finished it. 

Samuel wrote his book? But it is written there, And Sam- 
uel died, and they buried him in Ramah. Gad the seer and 
Nathan the prophet finished it." 

The passages here referred to are Josh. xxiv. 29, 33, 1 Sam. 
xxv. 1. In these citations, the first paragraph is certainly 
Tanaite, and the rest, perhaps, a little later. If it is fair to 
say that a person wrote a book, meaning thereby that he is 
the person chiefly responsible for its existence, whether as its 
author, its projector, or its editor, then there is no strong 
reason for discrediting these statements of the tradition. Ac- 
cording to them : a. The men of the great Synagogue (includ- 
ing Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel, and probably Ezekiel) collected 
the minor prophets, and wrote all the later books of the Old 
Testament, b. Nehemiah finished either the genealogies in 
Chronicles, or the books of Chronicles, or the Old Testament 
— probably all three. 

281. Traditions concerning Ezra. — A very celebrated pas- 
sage concerning Ezra is that in 2 Esclras xiv : 

" The world therefore lieth in darkness, and. they that dwell 
therein are without light, siiice thy law is burnt ; * * * * 
Send the Holy Spirit into me, and I will write all that hath 
taken place in the world since the beginning, which were 
written in thy law * * * *." 

It is Ezra who is speaking. Afterwards, by divine com- 
mand, he writes (apparently, the copies differ) the twenty- 
four books of the Old Testament, and seventy apocrypha. 
This is fiction, of course, but it must have had a basis in what 



110 DATE OF THE COMPLETION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 

the author regarded as fact. Both Jewish and Christian tra- 
dition are full of statements as to Ezra's agency in producing 
the Old Testament. Specimens may be found in the books 
of reference. Whatever scriptural work was done in Nehe- 
miah's lifetime was simply the carrying forward of work 
founded by Ezra. Hence these traditions can be so understood 
that they confirm the other testimony. 

282. Traditions concerning the great Synagogue. — They 
ascribe similar work to this succession of men (Qus. 240, 243, . 
279, 280). As Ezra is always repres nted to be the leading 
spirit among the men of the great Synagogue, these two sets 
of traditions are not contradictory, as they are sometimes 
said so be. And the existence of them all can be easily ac- 
counted for on the hypothesis that the Old Testament was 
completed in the time of Nehemiah. 

283. Traditions concerning the cessation of prophecy. — The 
same conclusion is strongly sustained by the fact that the 
traditions count Malachi, the contemporary of Nehemiah, as 
the last of the prophets, while they also agree with the New 
Testament in teaching that the Old Testament was written by 
prophets. Such traditions as that of the Seder Olam Zutta : 
' ' Then died Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, * * * * at that 
time prophecy ceased from Israel," are late. But they agree 
with the fact that Malachi is placed latest among the proph- 
etic books, and with the fact that the New Testament speaks 
of the prophets as belonging to the ancient past, and of this 
ancient institution as perhaps revived in the persons of John 
and Jesus. , In 1 Mac. ix. 27, iv. 46, xiv. 41, at the dates B. 
C. 161, 165. 141, we have accounts of men who themselves 
claimed supernatural powers, recognizing the fact that the 
succession of prophets had ceased from Israel, though it 
might at some future time be revived. 

284. Argument from certain descriptive words. — Of a piece 
with this is the meaning of the terms Tanaim, Mishna, Ma- 
sora, and other like terms. They all carry the idea that the 
age of prophecy was past, and the scribe had now nothing to 
do, save to repeat the message that the prophets had brought. 



DISPUTED BOOKS. Ill 



285. Arguments from silence. — a. There is no tradition of 
any Old Testament work done later than Nehemiah. b. The 
apocryphal books of the Grecian period abound in marks of 
Greek influence. The absence of such marks from the canon- 
ical books is strong proof that they were all written before 
the Grecian period began (See Qu. 300). c. Save in professed 
prediction, the Old Testament cannot be proved to contain 
any clear allusion to any event later than the lifetime of Ne- 
hemiah. 



LECTURE XLVI11. 

Disputed Books. 



286. Are our Scriptures the Scriptures of Nehemiah? — We 
have found the Old Testament bringing the events of which 
it treats up to the closing years of the lifetime of Nehemiah, 
and no later. We have also found that the Talmudic scholars 
attribute the completing of the Old Testament to Nehemiah, 
and that their opinion is confirmed by other testimony. Is 
there room for holding that the body of sacred writings left 
by Nehemiah. and from then, kept separate, contained more 
or less than the 39 books of our present Old Testament % 

287. An aggregate; a collection; an official canon. — As 
fast as the successive parts of the Old Testament were written 
they were capable of being thought of together, as an aggre- 
gate. Supposably this aggregate may have existed in the 
form of a collection, or may not. Supposably there may 
have been an officially recognized canon, or may not. For 
clearness, we need to keep these three things distinct in our 
thought. And as we have no direct information in regard to 
the collecting of the books, or their official canonization, it 
will be wise for us to confine our attention to the books them- 
selves as an aggregate. Up to Nehemiah' s time, this aggre- 
gate was growing. When did it cease to grow, becoming 
fixed ? 



112 DISPUTED BOOKS. 



288. Tiuo undisputed facts. — a. Before the death of Nehe- 
miah, most of the writings which constitute the Old Testa- 
ment were in existence, were regarded by common opinion as 
prophetic, and therefore divine, and were thus separated in 
thought from other writings, b. By the usage which had 
then been in vogue for centuries the plural name toroth was 
applied to the different prophetic writings, and the name 
torah, in the singular, was applied to prophetic writings as a 
whole. 

289. Certain facts that are true, though not undisputed. — 
a. From very early times tne writings composing this aggre- 
gate were doubtless described in a general way as ' ' the law, ' ' 
" the prophets," " the writings," and by the various possible 
combinations of these terms, b. It was at a later date that 
these terms gradually lost their general meaning, and came to 
be regarded as the names of the classes of writings that com- 
posed the aggregate. 

290. A succession of dates. — This is confirmed when we 
study the dates at which the various particulars of the classi- 
fication in the Hebrew bibles make their appearance, a. The 
general use of the descriptive phrase "law, prophets, and 
other writings " is as early as the prologue to Ecclesiasticus, 
and the terms law and prophets are combined in the Old 
Testament itself, b. The distinct marking off of the law as 
consisting of five books occurs first in the writings of Philo. 
c. The grouping into 24 books first appears in 2 Esdras, and 
that into 22 books in Josephus, both near the close of the first 
Christian century, d. The classification given by Josephus 
and that suggested by the lists of Melito and Origen show 
that the line of division between the prophets and the hagio- 
grapha was fluctuating, in the early Christian centuries. It 
was not finally drawn for Puth and Lamentations till after 
400 A. D. (Qus. 263-267). e. For comparison, note that our 
39 books are all separately mentioned in the lists of Melito, 
Origen, and 2 Esd. i. 39-40 (Qus. 264-266), and that manyof 
the particular books, e. g. the Psalms, Isaiah, Jeremiah, 
Hosea, Joel, Daniel, are mentioned by title in the New Testa- 



DISPUTED BOOKS. 113 



ment and the literature of the three preceding centuries. Note 
especially the grouping of the three major and twelve minor 
prophets in Ecclus. xlviii. 20-24, xlix. 6-10. 

291. Proofs positive and negative. — a. The conclusion that 
our 39 books and no others are the scriptures of ancient Israel, 
in the sense of being the primary sacred books of the religion 
of Israel, is a correct conclusion. ISTo matter how it was origin- 
ally reached, it is correct. There are very few points on 
which living scholars are so nearly unanimous, b. The tradi- 
tions we have examined, apart from the specific testimony 
they bear to particular books, testify that all writing of this 
class dates from the time of Nehemiah or earlier. The proof 
is strong, and no opposing assertion ought to be admitted 
without proof that is at least equally strong, c. The proofs 
commonly alleged will be considered in the following three 
lectures. 



LECTURE XLIX. 

Disputed Books : Opposing Arguments. 

292. The doctrine of a triple canon. — It is alleged that the 
present Hebrew classification must be accounted for by re- 
garding the law, the prophets, and the hagiographa as three 
successive canons. Then it is alleged that the second canon 
cannot have been formed till the times of Malachi or later, 
and that the third was not decided upon till many generations 
later than Malachi. a. But if the doctrine of a triple canon 
were correct, that would not prove that the closing of the 
third canon was later than Nehemiah ; after the second 
canon was decided upon, no long time would necessarily 
be required for the third, b. If the doctrine of a triple canon 
were correct, so far as official canon making is concerned, that 
would not change the facts mentioned in Qus. 288, 289. In 
any case, most of the prophetic and hagiographic writings were 
in existence and were regarded by common opinion as sacred, 
in the time of Nehemiah. c. It is not probable that the three 



114 DISPUTED BOOKS. 



divisions represent three processes of canonizatioD . They can 
be accounted for more naturally (Qu. 289). d. Hence there is 
here no basis for inferring that any of the books are later in 
date than the other evidence in the case indicates. 

293. Canticles, Ecclesiastes, and Esther. — These are regard- 
ed as the extremest instances. The council of Jamnia (about 
90 A. D.) and the rabbi Akiba are cited in regard to them, 
and it is affirmed that they were not admitted to the canon till 
the close of the first century or later. 

See theMishna. Yadaim iii. 5 ; Robertson Smith's Old Test- 
ament in the Jewish Church, Lect. vi. and the notes on that 
lecture ; Briggs' Biblical Study, page 130 sq. and foot notes ; 
Davidson' s Canon, pp. 46-64 ; Wildeboer, by index ; or other 
books. 

294. The truth concerning these books, — a. Xo one ques- 
tions that they were ancient at the time of the council of 
Jamnia. The Hebrew of Ecclesiastes. more than that of any 
other Old Testament book, is like that of the Mishna ; but 
Ecclesiastes is presupposed in Ecclus. xi. 18-19, xiv. 4, 11, 
16, 18, xvi. 3, 12-17, and very many other places, cf. Ec. ii. 
18-22, 24, ix. 10, i. 4, vi. 3, vii. 28, etc. b. They were dis- 
puted and the dispute settled, at the date mentioned. But 
it does not follow that their place in the canon had never been 
settled before that. The question has been redisputed and 
resettled at least half a dozen times since then. c. The decis- 
ion reached at Jamnia was not that these books should hence- 
forth be regarded as part of the scriptures, but that, as a 
matter of fact, they had always been so regarded. The correct- 
ness of this decision should not be denied, except upon proof. 

295. Synagogue use. — In proof that certain books were 
written late, or admitted late into the canon, men cite the 
fact that they were not read in the synagogues, or were read 
only at certain festivals, and not on the Sabbath, a. It is 
uncertain how far back we should date the synagogue usages 
of which we now have knowledge, b. In any case the syna- 
gogue use depends on the character of the book, and not on 
the question whether it belongs in the same aggregate with the 
rest of the Old Testament. 



DISPUTED BOOKS. 115 



296. Alleged inferiority of the prophets and the hagio- 
grapha. — To sustain these views it is necessary to maintain 
that, in the Tanaite times, the pentateuch only was regarded 
as really authoritative, the other books being regarded as 
interpreting the pentateuch, with an authority which re- 
sembled that of the oral traditions rather than that of the 
written law. It is said that the pentateuch alone was regarded 
as the law. When other writings were admitted to the canon 
they were admitted to a quasi equality with the pentateuch. 
In this way it is accounted for that the term "law" came to 
be extended so as to apply to the whole Old Testament. 

All this is contrary to historical fact (Qus. 37, 288-290). 
In later times this especial exaltation of the pentateuch may 
have prevailed, but the Old and New Testaments, Josephus, 
Philo, Ecclesiasticus, and the pre-Christian midrash in general 
attribute prophetic authority to all the Old Testament, and no 
higher than prophetic authority to Moses. Josephus express- 
ly distinguishes between the 22 divine books and all other 
literature or tradition {Cont. Ap. i. 7, 8, and throughout his 
writings). Philo and the pre Christian writers appeal to the 
other scriptures just as to the pentateuch. The New Testament 
writers apply the term law and the phrase "it is written" 
alike to the different parts of the Old Testament. Jesus and 
his followers differed with their opponents in rejecting the 
authority of Tanaite tradition, but there is no trace of dis- 
agreement as to the equal authority of all parts of the written 
scripture. 

In the New Testament times, as now, some parts of the Old 
Testament were less known and less used than other parts, 
but there is no trace of any difference made between the books 
in the estimate placed on their divine authority. 

297 The Alexandrian canon. — Its alleged differences from 
the Palestinian canon are used as auxiliary proof of the cor- 
rectness of these views. The differences are said to be, first, 
its containing some or all of the Apocrypha, in addition to the 
39 books ; second, its omitting the books of Ezra, Daniel, and 
Esther, substituting for them the corresponding apocryphal 
books. 



116 ALLEGED MACCABEAN SCRIPTURES. 



Some Christian copies of the Septuagint differ thus from the 
Hebrew, though the copies are unlike in these respects. How 
it was with the Jewish copies is less well known. There is no 
proof that the Alexandrian Jews ever failed to distinguish 
between the 39 books and all other writings ; though it is 
probably true that they placed, relatively, a higher estimate 
upon certain other writings than did the Palestinian Jews. 



LECTURE L. 
Disputed Books: Alleged Maccab^ean Scriptures. 

298. Condition of Judaea — a. During the Maccabaean wars, 
B. C. 170-143, the Jewish population of Palestine was deple- 
ted by massacres, persecutions, apostasies, battles, migrations. 
The smallness of the armies shows how much the population 
was reduced. It was an unfavorable time for culture or liter- 
ary production, b. The times of Simon III and Hyrcanus, 
B. C. 143-104, were relatively prosperous, bat the recovery 
from the exhaustion of the previous decades was, of coarse, 
very slow. c. In some respects, this transition from great 
adversity to great prosperity was like that which occurred at 
the close of the wars of king David ; but in David's time, the 
period of adversity had been less exhausting, and the succes- 
ses that followed were immensely greater. 

299. Tlie Judaistic Tendency.^-The Maccabeean wars were a 
struggle of the Judaistic idea against all forms of Hellenism. 
Naturally, they were preceded and accompanied by a literary 
and didactic conflict between the same forces, a. Antigonus 
of Socho, who followed. Simon the Just, at either the begin- 
ning or the end of the third century B. C, is recognized as 
the first great Tanaite. According to the Talmuds, the Sad- 
ducean reaction against Tanaism began with his two disciples 
Zadoc and Baithos (see Bib. Dies.), and whether this be 
accepted or not, Tanaism certainly had already a strong de- 
velopment before the wars. b. At the outbreak of the wars 



ALLEGED MACCABEAN SCRIPTURES. 117 

and afterwards, the Asidceans are prominent (1 Mac. ii. 42, 
vii. 13, 2 Mac. xiv. 6, cf. Hasidim, Ps. lxxix. 2, xcvii. 10, 
cxxxii. 9, cxlix. 9). From these sources, and from Smith's 
Bib. Die, define the word and describe the Asidseans. c. Jose- 
phus mentions the Pharisees and Sadducees as existing about 
150 B. C. {Ant. XIII. v. 9). Describe these, denning the names 
(Jos. Life 2, 38, Ant. XIII. v. 9, x. 5-6, xvi. 2, XVII. ii, iii, 
XVIII. i, Wars I. v, II. viii). 

300. Literary work in Maccabcean times. — The accounts 
have something to say in regard to sacred literature, and in 
regard to literary production in these times : a. The book of 
the law, or the covenant, was the object of the intensest devo- 
tion of the Jewish patriots, and of the malignity of their 
enemies. Many copies were in existence, in many places, and 
many were destroyed (1 Mac. i. 56-58, and many other 
passages). As the patriots are represented as familiar with 
nearly every part of the Old Testament (1 Mac. ii. 51-61, et. 
al.), there is no reason for holding that their book of the law 
was merely the pentateuch. The tradition that the reading 
lessons from the prophets were arranged in these times, be- 
cause the reading from the pentateuch was forbidden, has not 
much foundation ; and even if it were true, it does not show 
the existence of the pentateuch as a separate canon from the 
prophetic writings, b. Work in the secondary sacred litera- 
ture is attributed to them: the regathering of Nehemiah's 
library (e. g. 2 Mac. ii. 14, or the two epistles, 2 Mac. i. 1-ii. 
18, or the live books of Jason, 2 Mac. ii. 23). To the times of 
the Maccabsean wars, and the decades that follow probably 
belong the book of Enoch, the first, second, and third books 
of Maccabees, and a long list of Alexandrian Jewish writings. 
These writings mention Greek proper names, war elephants, 
Greek usages of war, Greek games and gymnasia, dates 
in the Greek era, and bear numberless other distinct 
marks of the Greek period (e. g. 2 Mac. xiv. 4,12,18,33, 1 Mac. 
i. 14, 17, 54). c. A strong majority opinion attributes to this 
period most of the other Apocryphal books. 



LECTURE LI. 
Disputed Books : Maccab.eajn t Scriptures — Continued. 

301. Literature. — See "Daniel" and "Psalms" in Bible 
Dictionaries, Introductions, and Commentaries, especially in 
Encyc. Brit, and Amer. Sup. 

302. Daniel. — a. The correspondence between Dan. vii-xii 
and the events before and after Antiochus Epiphanes is plaus- 
ible, though not, perhaps, beyond question. If one assumes 
that supernatural prediction is impossible, he may find here 
a strong argument to prove that the author lived after these 
events ; but not otherwise, b. In Dan. iii. 4, 5, the word for 
herald and several of the names of musical instruments are 
Greek. In the case of most of them it is uncertain whether 
the Aramaic borrowed them from the Greek or the Greek 
from the Aramaic. But if they were all originally Greek 
they could be accounted for without supposing that the book 
was written in the so-called Greek period, c. The Aramaic 
parts (cf. 2 Ki. xviii. 26, Ezraiv. 7). cl. It is said that we must 
account for Daniel not being in the prophetic division of the 
Old Testament by holding that this book was not yet written 
when the second canon was closed. But there is a better reason. 
All the prophetic books are homiletical, save Jonah, and 
Daniel is not homiletical. The real puzzle is why Jonah was 
put in, rather than why Daniel was left out. 

303. Supposed Maccabcean psalms. — a. There are no syna- 
gogues in Ps. lxxiv. 8 ; the statement is that the enemy, 
in burning the temple, have burned up all the set feasts. 
Verse 9 does not imply that the succession of prophets 
has ceased (cf. 1 Sam. xxviii. 6, Lam. ii. 9, Ezek. vii. 26). 
And so with all similar alleged instances, b. It is true 
that the singing of religious songs is a prominent feature 
of the Maccabsean times (e. g. 1 Mac. iv. 24, 33, 54) ; but this 
makes the silence of the accounts as to the composing of such 
songs the more significant ; and further, the singing is always 
in celebration of victories, while many of the alleged Macca- 



ALLEGED MACCABEAN SCRIPTURES. 119 

bsean psalms* would not suit such occasions, c. Nothing is 
proved by the mere fact that many of the existing psalms fit 
certain incidents of the Maccabaean times ; for the same 
psalms equally fit many other incidents, earlier and later than 
those times. 

304. Probabilities against Maccabman scripture writing — In 
proof that neither these nor any other parts of the Old Testa- 
ment date from the Maccabsean times, it may be urged: a. The 
reasons given above in proof that the Old Testament was com- 
pleted under Nehemiah. b. The literary possibilites of the 
period are immensely overworked if we attribute to it, in 
addition to the literature that is know to belong to it, these 
widely different bodies of apocryphal and biblical literature. 
c. The conviction of the non-existence of contemporaneous 
prophecy, which we have found prevalent in the Maccabsean 
times would have rendered it impossible that books then 
written should have been added to the scriptures (Qus. 283- 
284, 272-275). d. The accounts we have of these times are so 
full as to emphasize here the argument from silence. If any 
scripture writing had been done in them, there would certain- 
ly be some tradition of it, but there is none. e. By the most 
natural understanding of 1 Mac. ii. 51-61, 3 Mac. vi. 3-8. Jos. 
Ant. XL viii. 5, they testify that Daniel was already in the 
scriptures before the Maccabsean times. /. The absence of 
marks of the Greek period from these writings themselves 
(Qu. 300 b). 

305. Conclusion. — We have here no room for the task of 
minutely tracing the evidence in the case of each of the dis- 
puted books. Few reputable scholars would now deny that 
the line of demarcation between the 39 books and all other 
writings is correctly drawn, though it will always remain true 
that the evidence in the case of a few of the books is less 
abundant than in the case of the others. There is no good 
reason for denying that this line has been thus drawn from 
the times of Nehemiah, 



LECTURE LIE 
The Text of the Old Testament. 

306. Preexilian text. — a. Before the exile, the Phoenician or 
old Hebrew character was used in Israelitish writing. The 
present "square" character was perhaps formed gradually. It 
is found in inscriptions of 176 B. C, and no one knows how 
much earlier (Mitchell's Ges. Heb. Gram., sees. 1-5). The old 
character is found on the Maccabsean coins, and later on the 
coins of Bar-Cocheba, the second century A. D. The Samar- 
itan pentateuch is in the old alphabet, b. The traditions say 
that the change to the square alphabet, in the writing of script- 
ure, was made by Ezra, that is to say, was made before the 
death of Xehemiah. This cannot now be proved, though it 
is not disproved, as the writers in Smith's Bible Dictionary 
hold it to be, by the fact that the old character was used later 
on coins. 

307. Text of the men of the great synagogue. — a. They left 
the scripture written in consonants and matres lectionis, with- 
out vowels (Smith's Bib. Die. " Old Testament A. 1). b. There 
is no evidence that it was ever customary to use abbreviations, 
or to use letters for numerals, in the text of carefully written 
copies, though these usages are found on the earliest coins 
and elsewhere, c. Words were written separately, not toge- 
ther as in the Greek uncial MSS. In the old alphabet, the 
separation was made by points (see Moabite stone, or Samar- 
itan pentateuch). d. The separation into 39 books is, I believe, 
a part of the original text. The 22 or 24 books are formed by 
grouping the 39, and not the 39 by dividing some of the 22. 

308. Later modifications. — a. A division into verses, perhaps 
differing somewhat from ours, is very ancient (Smith's Bib. 
Die. "Old Testament" A. 1). b. The division of the penta- 
teuch into the 54 parshioth* or sabbath lessons, preceded the 
selection of the haphtaroth, the synagogue lessons from the 
prophets, since the latter are based on the former. Whether 



OLD TESTAMENT TEXT. 121 

the division into lessons preceded the Christian era is uncertain. 
The New Testament mentions the reading in the synagogues, 
but is silent as to a cycle of lessons (Luke iv. 17, Acts xiii. 15, 
xv. 21, 2 Cor. iii. 14). It cites books by name, and the psalms 
by number (Acts xiii. 33. 35), but beyond this cites the Old 
Testament by subjects, rather than by artificial divisions (Mark 
xii. 26, Luke xx. 37 [eirl t?)? ftdrov], Rom. xi. 2 [e^ 'HXeta], 
Acts viii. 32 [rj irepioxv r?}? ypa(f>rj^']). c. The present chapter 
division was made by Christians about 1250 A. D. An older 
division is that into s'darim and into the little parshioth now 
marked by Samekh or Pe (Baer-Delitsch Genesis, p^ge 92, 
etc.). d. The present system of writing the vowels dates from 
the sixth century of the Christian era, or later. The accent 
system is later than the vowel system. The Masoretic notes 
and accessories date from the Tanaite times to the ninth or 
tenth centuries after Christ. Some of the notes in the printed 
b bles are yet later. 



LECTURE LIU. 
Old Testament Text Criticism. 

309. Supposable results. — A complete study of this subject 
may supposably lead to any one of three results : first, that 
the existing Masoretic text is satisfactory ; or, second, that it 
is unsatisfactory, but incapable of being materially improved ; 
or, third, that it can be amended and ought to be. 

310. Sources of Old Testament text criticism. — They may be 
classified as follows : 

A. Documents. I. Hebrew copies. : 1. Cojries with the 
Masoretic text, whether voweled or unvow^eled : a. Printed. 
b. Synagogue rolls. c. Other copies, 2. Non-Masoretic 
copies — the Samaritan text of the pentateuch, and a few 
fragmentary or doubtful MSS. II. Translations, especially : 
a. The Septuagint and other early Greek versions, b. Tar- 
gums, c. Old Latin, and vnlgate. d. Syriac. e. Samaritan 
version. III. Citations and statements found in other wri- 



122 OLD TESTAMENT TEXT. 



tings, especially: a. The New Testament and earlier writings. 
b. Masora. c. Origen's Hexapla. d. Midrash, using the 
term in wide meaning, e. Patristic writings. Read articles 
on " Versions," and on the several terms used in this list. 

B. Conjecture. Read up on the subject of conjecture in 
text criticism, in some work on New Testament criticism. 

311. Two periods in the hiszory of the text. — In the existing 
state of opinion, it will be useful provisionally to distinguish 
two stages in the transmission of the Hebrew text of the Old 
Testament : a. The period of the established text, variously 
dated as beginning from 100 to 400 A. D. ; a period of abun- 
dant external evidence, b. The period of alleged uncertain 
text, closing where the other begins ; the external evidence 
becomes less and less as we go back from 400 A. D. 

312. The period of the established text, — Within it the con- 
sonant text has been preserved unchanged, but the written 
vowels and accents have been added. 

313. The lateness of the written points. — Is this an element 
of weakness in the Masoretic text ? a. Asa matter of fact, 
the actual questions in dispute concerning the text depend 
only in a slight degree upon the vowels, b. The way in which 
proper names and other words are transliterated into Greek 
shows variations in the phonetic values of the points, but 
seldom any in th^ir grammatical values, c. Even if the vocal- 
ization were admitted to be merely conjectural, the mere fact 
that the writings make sense would prove that the vowels 
were, in general, correct ; the evidence in their favor would 
be considerably stronger, for example, than in the case of the 
Assyrian literature. 

314. The vowel points nit conjectural — There is proof , how- 
ever that the vowels were handed down by tradition, a. There 
is no absurdity in the supposition that men were trained to 
read correctly, while the vowels were unwritten, b. The 
Jewish and Christian traditions affirm that the vowels were 
actually handed down in oral reading, c. Any system of con- 
jectural vocalization must have followed its rules with 
something like mechanical exactness ; the existing system 



OLD TESTAMENT TEXT. 123 



does not ; evidently the rules are generalizations from the 
instances, and the actual written vowels preceded the formu- 
lating of the rules. 

315. A genuine textus receptus. — It is beyond dispute that 
during the period of the established text, the Hebrew Old 
Testament has been handed down with remarkable and scru- 
pulous care. This might be illustrated : a. From the notes of 
the ordinary Hebrew bibles : The K'thib and Q'ri ; the char- 
acter of the variant readings marked Nun Aleph ; the letters 
that are aunotated because they are too large, or too small, 
or suspended, or the vowels that violate the ordinary usage 
of the pause accent ; the enumeration of verses, letters, middle 
verses, etc., at the end of the books, b. From the rules for 
writing MSS., as mentioned in books uf reference, c. From 
the contents of the Masora. d. From the results of the colla- 
tion of existing Hebrew copies. S^e accounts of the work of 
Kennicott and De Rossi. Or compare the Baer-Delitzsch 
texts with other Hebrew texts. 

31A Variant readings between Hebretv bibles. — They are 
mostly confined to the accents, and seldom affect the mean- 
ing, even to the smallest degree. The Baer-Delitzsch texts 
differ much less from the well printed Hebrew bibles that are 
least like them than the Westcott and Hort text from the 
Greek text that is most like it. Perhaps no two editions of 
the so-called textus receptus of the New Testament can be 
found that differ so little as the two well printed Hebrew 
bibles that differ most. 

What is true of the Masoretic copies is true, though less 
exactly, of all the other documentary evidence for the period 
of the established text. And while these statements hold, in 
the strictest sense, only of the consonant text, they are yet 
pretty minutely true of the text as now voweled and accented. 
The results thus reached go back to a time many generations 
before our present system of written vowels. 

317, Relative importance of conjectural criticism. — It is 
sometimes said that conjecture is relatively more important 
in Old Testament text criticism than in the case of the New 



124 OLD TESTAMENT TEXT. 



Testament, and also that the versions are more important, 
relatively to the copies in the original, than in the case of 
other works. There may be a sense in which these statements 
are true ; but we should remember that conjectures or trans- 
lations have no more actual value as evidence, and that we 
have no more right to accept unproved conclusions, in this 
case than in other cases. 



LECTURE LIT. 

Text Criticism : Earlier Period. 

318. — The earlier period of the text. — Did the Old Testa- 
ment, prior to the existence of the present established text, 
pass through a period when the text was fluctuating, uncertain, 
and affected by actual corruptions ? It may be conceded that 
the presumption at the outset favors the affirmative, inasmuch 
as most ancient writings have been thus affected. In support 
of this presumption several considerations are urged. 

319. Documentary evidence for the text. — This is scarce for 
the time before Origen. But the fact has no great weight. 
If the evidence abounded, presumably it would corroborate 
the Masoretic text, as does the evidence of the time of Origen 
and later. 

320. Charges made by the Christian fathers. — Some of them 
say that the Jews corrupted the Hebrew text, in order to rid 
it of Christian doctrine. But scholars, like Origen and Jerome, 
evidently took no stock in these charges, and wherever they 
are made specific, they are clearly mistaken. 

321. The duplicated passages. — Much is made of the differ- 
ences of text in these (e. g. 2 Sam xxii. and Ps. xviii, or the 
parts in which Chronicles repeats Samuel and Kings;. But to 
a large extent, at least, these changes are evidently editorial, 
and not transcriptional. It is difficult to prove that any of 
them have been made since the later of the two duplicates was 
written. The fact that the differences have been maintained, 
in spite of the natural tendency to assimilate tne passages, is 
proof of care on the part of the copyists. 



OLD TESTAMENT TEXT. 125 

322. Proof from the Septuagint. — This is regarded as strong- 
est of all. It is asserted that the Greek differs so from the 
Hebrew as to show that the translators must have had Hebrew 
texts differing greatly from ours. But : a. The oldest copies 
of the Septuagint we have are younger than the establishment 
of the present Masoretic text, even according to the views of 
those who date this text latest, b. The existing copies of the 
Septuagint vary among themselves even more than is usual with 
Greek texts ; it is known that the copies have so varied since 
before the times of Origen. The text of the Septuagint is less 
well ascertained than almost any other text connected with the 
scriptures, c. No one disputes that the translators, prior 
to all transmissional changes that have come into the present 
Greek text, had freely admitted uncritical elements into their 
translation work. d. It would be a mistake to infer from this, 
as many do, that the Septuagint is of no value, or of small 
value, for determining the text of the Old Testament ; it is a 
still greater mistake to treat it as if it had about the same 
value with the Masoretic Hebrew. As compared with the 
latter, it is the testimony of a witness habitually ill informed 
and careless, beside that of a witness remarkably well inform- 
ed and careful. 

323. New Testament quotations. — It is further alleged that 
the New Testament writers quote prevailingly from the Sep- 
tuagint, and this shows that they regarded the Septuagint text 
as superior to the Hebrew. The fact is admitted, but the 
inference does not follow. Where an author uses both the 
original and a translation, as the New Testament writers do, 
he must be regarded as counting the original more author- 
itative unless he explicitly says the contrary. This the New 
Testament writers do not do ; they do the very opposite, for 
they sometimes, apparently, correct their Greek text by the 
Hebrew. 

324. Conjectural criticism. — Various points are made. See 
Lecture LV. 

325. Arguments against the theory of a corrupted text. — Of 



l£6 OLD TESTAMENT TEXT. 

these two have decisive weight : that from the peculiar history 
of the Hebrew text, and the arguments from silence. 

326. Argument from the history of the text. — a. From the 
times of Origen, the consonant text of the Masoretes has been 
a genuine text us receptus of the Hebrew Old Testament, pre- 
served with no important variations ; up to the last century, 
there were no such texts of Greek writings. As this state of 
things can be traced back for some thirteen or fourteen 
centuries, there is no improbability that we should be able to 
trace it a few centuries further, if we had the marks to trace 
it by. b. The claim has steadily been made that this textus 
receptus dates from the times when the old Testament books 
were written ; this claim, of course, being modified by the 
admitted fact of the change of alphabet, in Ezra's time, or 
later, c. In the time when the Septuagint translation was 
planned, we find, apparently, traces of a remarkable care used 
in the preservation of the sacred text (Qu. 249). 

327. Arguments from silence. —The absence of all traces of 
pre-Masoretic Hebrew texts essentially differing from the 
Masoretic ; and the absence of historical notices of any 
change in the manner of transmitting the Old Testament. 
a. From some time before the Christian era, there were 
copies of the whole or of parts of the Old Testament, in the 
hands of Jews and of others, in many parts of the earth. From 
the time when Christianity began to spread, copies were 
numerous, in the hands of Jews, Gentiles, and Christians, and 
were constanty studied and appealed to, as authority in reli- 
gious discussions, b. In the circumstances, the Masoretic 
text could not have been differentiated, at any time between 
the translation of the Septuagint and the third century A. D., 
without attracting attention and causing discussion. If a 
radical change in the mode of handing down the Old Testa- 
ment, involving the acceptance of certain copies, and the 
discrediting of all other copies, had then been made, it is 
incredible but that some account of it would have survived ; 
it is also incredible but that some copies of the older forms of the 
text would have come down to us. But no one claims that 



OLD TESTAMENT TEXT. 127 

there are any traces of any such account, or of the existence 
of any such text. . c. In proof that it was possible thus to 
introduce an official text of the Old Testament, and extirpate 
all copies taken from other texts, it is customary to cite the 
official text of the Koran, made by the order of caliph Othman, 
about 650 A. D. But the analogy utterly fails in two essential 
points. First, there were then but few copies of the Koran, 
all within a relatively narrow region and in the hands of one 
religious sect, and the caliph who made the change was the 
despotic head of the sect. Secondly, it attracted attention, 
and an account of it was handed down. 



LECTURE LV. 
Text Criticism : Rules for Conjecture. 

328. Certain principles. — a. The leading rule for all textual 
criticism is that the testimony of existing transcriptions is, 
where it exists, the best evidence for the text of a document. 
b. Among subordinate principles, the most important is 
that contained in the rule : That reading is to be preferred 
which best accounts for all other readings. 

329. Difficult readings. — A reading is sometimes to be pre- 
ferred because it removes a difficulty ; but this rule must be 
limited by another : Where variations are likely to have been 
made by design, the more difficult reading is probably the 
original reading, a. A construction that involves barbarisms 
of language, or false syntax, or a nonsensical or a false mean- 
ing, may be the result of carelessness in copying, and it may 
supposably be possible to identify and correct the error. 
b. The fact that a passage, as it stands, is in conflict with 
some critical theory, is commonly a reason for mending the 
theory rather than for mending the text. c. The fact that a 
passage in verse fails to meet the requirements of some theory 
of Hebrew metre might justify us in making emendations, 
provided only a few such emendations were required. If a 
large percentage of the existing lines fail to tit the theory, it 



128 OLD TESTAMENT TEXT. 

is the theory that needs emendation, d. In many cases it is 
more credible that the original writer should have committed 
barbarisms, than that these should have come in by the 
agency of copyists. In such writings as those in the Old 
Testament, if there were no literary infelicities, that very cir- 
cumstance would create a suspicion that blunders had been 
removed by editing. 

830. Fuller and briefer readings. — The rule that the briefer 
reading is to be preferred is greatly overworked, when ajDplied 
to the Old Testament, a. This rule is, of course, absolute, 
as favoring all that the briefer reading contains in common 
with the longer, b. As a rule for excluding what is not in 
the briefer reading, or for preferring the details of the briefer 
reading where these differ from those of the longer reading, 
the rule applies only where there is some reason for thinking 
that the copyist has lengthened the text, as for instance, 
where the longer text is magniloquent, or where the difference 
consists in the repetition of a familiar phrase, found elsewhere 
in a similar connection (e. g. Matt. xx. .16, 22, 23, cf. xxii. 14, 
Mc. x. 38, 39); or where a gloss has apparently been incorporated 
into the text ; or where there is an evident theological (or other) 
motive for the enlargement, c. On the other hand, a copyist 
may supposably omit, by design or through carelessness ; he 
is especially likely to do this, if he writes from memory or 
from dictation. The longer text is probably the true text, 
when it is marked by genuine poetic or religious feeling, or by 
poetic delicacy ; for the out spinning copyist is seldom a true 
poet. The longer text is the original when the shorter bears 
the marks of systematic abbreviation, made in the interest of 
fluency, as in most of the duplicate passages in Chronicles. 

331. fiesidt. — Many statements to the contrary notwith- 
standing, the Masoretic Hebrew text is of the highest char- 
acter, as compared with the other best known texts of ancient 
writings. In the present condition of thought, it would be 
well to consider with care every proposed emendation ; but 
the emendations that have any real claim to be accepted are 
very few. 



Questions for Review. 

142. Mention the writings of the second period. 

143. The historical characteristic of this period. 

144. Mention some of the differences between the books of this series and the 
books of Kings. 

145. a. Mention the five parts of which the series is composed, b. How does 
the continuous history differ from the other parts ? c. Give the subjects of the 
six personal stories, d. How is the fourth part related to the second, e. Men- 
tion the subjects of some of the six appendices. 

146. a. How do the scholars of the new view analyse this series ? b. Mention 
some general probabilities as to its composition. 

147. How does this affect the doctrine of inspiration ? 

149. State the tradition as to the writing of these books. 

150. a. Give it an untenable meaning, b. A tenable meaning. 

151. a. What writings does the writer of 1 Chronicles mention as sources? 
b. How does this fit this series? 

153. Speak of the following men, and of the probability of their being the 
writers of these books : a. Gad. /;. Nathan, c. Samuel. 

154. a. Show that the times of these men were marked by prophetic activity. 
b. By literary productiveness, c. By historical research. 

155. Speak of motives exhibited in these writings, suiting the time of David. 

156. Mention some of the later dates claimed for these writings. 

157. a. Mention and estimate the proofs of late date, as given in Qu. 156. 
b. How does the assertion that the prophets were not yet literary men agree 
with the evidence ? 

158. Speak of the mention of Judahand Israel in these writings, as an indica- 
tion of their date. 

159. Of the references to the time of the judges. 

160. Of the phrase " unto this day." 

161. Of the alleged allusions to Rehoboam. 

162. Of the alleged archaisms. 

163. Of such names as Ishbosheth, etc. 

164. Of some particular passages. 

165. What is the conclusion from these instances? 

166. a. Speak of the undisputed earlier elements, b. Of the question wheth- 
er the material has been frequently reworked. 

167. How about a Deuteronomistic redaction ? 

16S. What is proved by the evidence thus sketched ? 

170. a. What is the present division of the book of Psalms? b. Mention 
some earlier collections. 

172. What of musical and lyrical matters in the time of David ? 

173. a. Give some of the New Testament testimony concerning Davidic 
psalms, b. Some testimony from the Old Testament concerning the loving- 
kindness psalms, c. Other Old Testament testimony. 



130 QUESTIONS. 

174. Give some account of the Hebrew psalm titles. 

175. Of the additional titles in the versions. 

176. The limit of date in the historical allusions in the psalms. 

177. What do the scholars of the new view hold concerning the dates of the 
psalms? a. Show that late date is not proved by the absence of a title, b. 
By the mention of Israel as afflicted, c. By the mention of the temple, d. 
By Aramaisms. 

178. Give the general conclusion as to the date of the psalms. 

180. What was the aggregate of sacred writings at the death of Nathan ? 

181. Mention the books of the third period. 

182. The tradition as to the authorship of Kings. 

183. Speak of the " Chronicles" mentioned in Kings. 

184. Speak of prophetic writings used as sources. 

186. How about the theory of frequent reworking? 

187. Group the prophets of the third period chronologically. 

188. Which are the minor prophets of the earliest group ? 

189. Speak of Joel. 

190. Of Obadiah. 

191. Of Jonah. 

192. Of Amos. 
iQ3. Of Hosea. 

194. Of the last two prophecies in Zechariah. 

195. a. Of Isaiah, b. The division of the book. c. Isaiah II ? 

196. Of Micah and Xahum. 

197. Of Habakkuk and Zephaniah. 

198. Of Jeremiah. 

199. Of the other writings of the period. 

200. Of Ecclesiastes. 

201. Of the question of the integrity of these writings. 

202. a. What was the aggregate of sacred writings at the death of Isaiah ? 
b. At the death of Jeremiah ? 

203. Describe the historical series of the fourth period. 

204. Who probably wrote this series ? 

205. Mention three charges against the historicity of the books of Chronicles. 
a. At the strongest, how far do these discredit the history as found in Chron- 
icles ? b. Describe the structure of Chronicles, c. Mention some of the sources 
that may be identified with parts of Kings, d. Show that the writer of Chron- 
icles had other sources than Samuel and Kings, e. How did he treat these 
other sources ? f. Mention and estimate three other arguments against the 
trustworthiness of Chronicles. 

206. Describe the prophetic books of the fourth period. 

207. The other books. 

2o3. a. Tell about the wonder stories, b. The apocalypses. 

209. What were the six kinds of work done by the men who completed the 
Old Testament ? 

210. W T hat is known as to the collecting of the Psalms ? and the Prophets ? 



QUESTIONS. 131 

211. a. What was the aggregate of sacred books at the death of Nehemiah ? 
b. How about the formal completion of the Old Testament ? 

212. To what extent does the complete Old Testament date itself? 

213. Mention the four groups of postexilian biblical events. 

214. On what basis are postexilian dates made up ? 

215. What are the latest events mentioned in the genealogical note in Nehe- 
miah ? 

2i6. Give the date of these events, with reasons. 

217. a. Describe the latest event in the narrative, b. How does this com- 
pare with the latest events in the note i 

218. The inference as to the date of the Old Testament ? 

219. Mention the five scripture producing epochs. 

221. Speak of Israel's early contact with the Greeks. 

222. The condition of Israel under the kings of Persia ? 

223. Give an account of the founding and character of Alexandria. 

224. Of Antioch in Syria. 

225. Speak of other points of contact. 

226. What is " the era of the Greeks "? 

227. Give a brief account of the Maccabaean wars. 

22S. a. Describe the noble Hellenizing tendency, b. The ignoble Hellenizmg 
tendency, c. The Judaizing tendency, d. The liberal Jewish tendency. 

230. a. Define Midrash. b. The Sopherim. 

231. Classify the secondary sacred literature chronologically. 

232. Classify it geographically. 

233. Explain the terms Tanaim and Amor aim. 

234. How about the Spanish Jews and Maimonides ? 

235. Classify these writings linguistically. 

236. Mention, in classes, some of the Hellenistic writings. 

237. Some of the principal Hebraistic writings. 

238. Explain the terms Halaka and Hagada. 

239. a. Who was the latest of the men of the Great Synagogue ? b. What 
are the data for determining when he lived ? 

240. a. Give the substance of the passage in Maimonides touching the men 
of the Great Synagogue, b. Of the passage in the Pirke A both. c. Of that 
in the A both of Nathan, d. Of the other passages cited. 

241. State the four views as to the Great Synagogue. 

242. State facts concerning the men of the Great Synagogue, as distinguished 
from the organization. 

243. a. Mention some work done by these men before the cessation of proph- 
ecy, b. Work done by them after prophecy ceased. 

244 Narrate the story of the Septuagint, as given by Josephus. 

245. a. Tell of the letter of Aristaeus. b. Mention several items of evidence 
that come from other sources. 

246. How far are our accounts of the Septuagint historical ? 

247. Prove that the translation was made by Alexandrian Jews. 

248. a. Did Demetrius Phalereus plan to put these books in the library ? b. 



132 QUESTIONS. 

If so, what was the date (give the reason)? c. What other motives were there 
for the translation ? 

249. a. Does the tradition say that Ptolemy obtained for the library a trans- 
lation ? or a transcription ? or both ? b. What was the object of the trouble he 
took ? c. What probabilities are there that the Jerusalem Jews had some part 
in the business? d. What nucleus is there for the stories of miracle that arose 
in later times ? 

250. a. What does the testimony say as to translation work previously done? 
b. How about the credibility of this ? c. How would Ptolemy's translators 
deal with previous translation work ? 

251. How about the excellence of the texts they used ? 

252. How about the time occupied in the work? 

253. a. How about the alleged testimony that only the pentateuch was at 
first translated ? b. What books were probably included in the plan for the 
library ? c . The probabilities as to whether the plan was immediately carried 
out? 

255. How fully are " the scriptures " noticed in the New Testament ? 

256. The proof that these scriptures were our Old Testament? 

257. a. In what languages had they the scriptures ? b. Give proof. 

258. Prove that they had the separate books. 

259. Mention their classification of the books. 

260. Prove that their scriptures were a definite aggregate . a. From their 
habit of authoritative appeal, b. From the descriptive terms they use. c. 
From the synagogue use. d. From the way in which they speak of other 
writings, e. From their use of the article, f. From their names for the col- 
lection as a whole. 

261. How far do they define this aggregate? 

262. How about the quantity of the patristic and rabbinical testimony? 

263. Speak of the testimony of Jerome. 

264. a. Speak of the testimony of Origen. c . Show that his testimony in- 
cludes the twelve minor prophets. d. What suggestion of a threefold divis- 
sion is found in Origen ? 

265. The testimony of Melito ? 

266. Of Second Esdras ? 

267. Of Josephus? 

268. What writings constituted the Old Testament of these witnesses? 

269. State the proposition as to the completing of the Old Testament. 

270. Mention three things that are not affirmed in this proposition. 

272. State the general effect of the testimony of the Apocrypha. 

273. a. Give the substance of the testimony of the translator of Ecclesiasticus. 
b. Of that of the Hebrew writer. 

274. a. Give the seven points concerning this testimony, b. At what date 
does it place the completion of the Old Testament ? 

275. a. Give the substance of the traditions cited concerning Ecclesiasticus. 
b . Their bearing on the date of the Old Testament. 

276. The results of comparing the canonical books with others ? 



QUESTIONS. 133 

277. The testimony of the Septuagint? 

278. a. Give the substance of the testimony of Josephus. b. Its bearing on 
the question. 

279. Give the substance of the citations from 2 Maccabees, and an account of 
the document whence they are taken, a. Their testimony concerning Nehe- 
miah and Jonathan ? b. Concerning the book of Chronicles ? c. Concerning 
Nehemiah's library ? d. Estimate the value of this testimony. 

280. Give the substance of the passage from the Baba Batra, with an esti- 
mate of its trustworthiness, a. To whom does it attribute all the later Old 
Testament writings ? b. To whom the completion of the Old Testament? 

281. Mention some of the traditions concerning Ezra, and the ; r bearing in 
this argument. 

282. The bearing of the traditions concerning the Great Synagogue ? 

283. Traditions concerning the cessation of prophecy, and their bearing? 

284. The argument from Tanaim, Mz'skna, Masora, and like words? 

285. Mention three arguments from silence. 

287. a. Distinguish between an aggregate, a collection, and an official canon. 
b. Why is the distinction important ? 

288. a. What was true, before the death of Nehemiah, of most of the Old 
Testament writings ? b. Of the use of the word tor ah in connection with them? 

289. a. The primary meaning of the terms law, prophets, writitigs, in con- 
nection with this literature ? b. The later meaning ? 

290. a. When do these three terms first appear in connection? b. The first 
mention of the five books of the law. c. The earliest instance of the grouping 
into 24 or 22 books ? d. When was the present line drawn between the proph- 
ets and the hagiographa ? e. How early are the separate books mentioned? 

291. a. How far is the correctness of our Old Testament < anon now disputed? 
b. What is the latest date, according to the traditions we have examined, for 
the production of literature of this sort ? 

292. a. If it w T ere proved that the law, the prophets and the hagiographa 
were three successive canons, what would that prove as to the date of the 
hagiographa ? b. As to the date when most of the prophetic and hagiographic 
writings were produced ? c. How strong are the reasons for regarding these 
as three successive canons ? 

294. a. How old were Canticles, Ecclesiastes and Esther at the time of the 
council of Jamnia? b. What bearing has the fact that they were then disputed 
on the question whether they had previously been regarded as canonical ? c . 
State correctly the decision then reached. 

295. The bearing of synagogue use on the question of canonicity? 

296. What proof that the other scriptures were regarded as inferior to the 
law ? 

297. In what sense was the Alexandrian canon different from the Palestinian? 

298. a. The state of Palestine during the Maccabsean wars ? b. In the time 
directly following? c. Compare this with the time of David. 

299. a. Speak of the beginnings of Tanaism. b. Of the Asidseans. c. Of 
the Pharisees and Sadducees. 



134 QUESTIONS. 

300 a. How was the law regarded in the Maccabaean times ? b. Other liter- 
ature in those times ? 

302. a. Estimate the argument from the history in proof that the book of 
Daniel is Maccabaean. b. That from the Greek words, c. From the Aramaic 
parts, d. From its being in the hagiographa. 

303. Speak of some of the supposed Maccabaean psalms. 

304. Give six points against the probability that there are Maccabaean script- 
ures. 

305. When was the line drawn between our 39 books and all others ? 

306. a. In what alphabet was the Old Testament first written ? b. When 
was the square alphabet adopted ? 

307. a. What characters were used in the original text ? b. How about 
abbreviations, etc? c. The separation of words? d. Of books ? 

308. a. The verse divisions ? b. The reading lessons ? c. The chapters ? d. 
The vowels, accents, and notes ? 

309. The three supposable results of text criticism ? 

310. Mention the sources of Old Testament text criticism ? 

311. The two periods in the history of the text? 

313. How far does the lateness of the written vowels weaken the text ? 

314. Prove that the vowels are not merely conjectural. 

315- Illustrate the care with which our text has been transmitted. 

316. What is the amount of the variant readings in the Hebrew ? 

317. In what sense is conjecture here especially important ? 

318. The presumption as to early carelessness in the text? 

319. The significance of the scarcity of documents ? 

320. What do the early Christian charges of corrupt text amount to ? 

321. The duplicated passages as proving corruption of text? 

322. a. The relative age of the Septuagint and the Masoretic text ? b. The 
present condition of the Septuagint text? c. Uncritical elements in the orig- 
inal Septuagint ? d. The value of the Septuagint in Old Testament text crit- 
icism ? 

323. The New Testament citations, and questions of text? 

326. The history of the text as proof of its integrity ? 

327. Arguments of silence in proof of incorrupt text ? 

328. a. The leading principle of text cri'icism ? b. The most important sub- 
ordinate principle ? 

329. Mention principles applicable in cases of difficult readings. 

330. Principles applicable in cases of fuller or briefer readings. 

331. What is the value of our present Hebrew text? 



OLD TESTAMENT CHRONOLOGY AND 

HISTORY. 



Old Testament Chronology and History. 



Elective, Auburn Theological Seminary, Jan, to Apr,, 1895, 



LECTURE I. 
Preliminary 



1. The historical character of the bible. — Manifestly, either 
the scriptures are inspired by God, or they are not. Those 
who hold that they are not inspired yet regard them as of 
great historical and spiritual value. We who hold that they 
are inspired hold that God gave them mainly by the process of 
first causing history to be transacted, and then causing a 
record to be made of the transactions. In either case, the 
historical element is of the greatest importance. 

Yet what we call bible history is seldom of the nature of a 
continuous record of the events, but is nearly always of the 
nature of a selection of historical facts made for religious 
purposes. 

2. Historical knowledge versus spiritual knoivledge. — The 
chief uses of revelation are spiritual. One may have valuable 
insight into the spiritual truths of the bible, even if his un- 
derstanding of the historical meaning is imperfect or per- 
verted. Nevertheless, the best understanding of the history 
helps to the best knowledge of the spiritual truths. 

3. The inner meaning and the external facts. — In its central 
inner meaning the Old Testament is the history of redemption 
as provided by God for mankind. But this inner meaning is 
expressed through the medium of external facts — mainly the 
facts concerning the people that God chose for the purposes 
of his redemption. 



4. The starting point in the historical credibility of the Old 
Testament. — We who hold that the scriptures are inspired 
hold that they are historically trustworthy, some holding that 
they are so to the degree of miraculous inerrancy. Some of 
those who deny their inspiration assign to them lower degrees 
of trustworthiness. What is the proper position to take at 
the outset : that they are inerrant ? or that they are highly 
trustworthy \ or that their trustworthiness is uncertain \ 

If we begin by seeking to understand the history as re- 
corded, attempting this on the hypothesis that the record is 
strictly correct, we shall thus test the record itself as we pro- 
ceed ; and this is the true method. 

5. Certain laws of method. — Four principles, among others, 
are e r pecially important : First, Seek the meaning Avhich the 
author conveyed to his first readers ; Second, Test a statement 
by an induction of the particulars contained under it ; Third, 
Use all the evidence ; Fourth, Sift carefully. 

6. The meaning as understood by the earliest readers. — Of 
course, a statement is to be understood by defining and ana- 
lyzing its terms. But in doing this, we need to guard against 
carrying back our own ideas, and finding them in the state- 
ment because we have first put them there. We should ask 
the question, How would an intelligent, uninspired man of the 
author's time understand this ? This does not necessarily give 
us a final result ; for we may mistake the position of the per- 
son of the author's time ; or the author may have intended a 
meaning beyond his time ; or he may have uttered such a 
meaning unwittingly. None the less, attention to the times 
of the author will assist us in understanding his meaning. 

7. An induct ion of the particulars included in a statement. 
— There are two ways of mastering the meaning of a state- 
ment. One way is by analysis and definition, and the other 
by examining the specifications included under the statement. 
The latter of these processes is often the more important of 
the two, and in any case it is needed in order to test the re- 
sults reached by the former. 



8. Use all the evidence. — When we attempt to interpret a 
statement by an induction of the particulars it includes, our 
induction must often go beyond the terms of the statement 
itself. It may include : a. Particulars furnished from other 
biblical statements, b. From the literary phenomena of the 
bible, c. From permanent facts of geography, topography, 
and the like. d. From what we know in regard to the fixed 
order of nature, e. From trustworthy information from any 
source. 

9. Sift the evidence.— This wide inductive process needs to 
be carefully guarded against misuse, a. We have no right to 
argue that the writer meant so and so merely because we can 
prove that the facts were so and so. In such a case, the facts 
may interpret the author's meaning, or they may prove that 
he spoke falsely. In any given instance, we must decide 
which effect they have. b. Evidence thus gathered from 
every quarter is not all of equal value. Discrimination is 
necessary in using it. 

10. Elements of weakness in the current interpretations of 
bible history. — a. Denying or mistaking or unduly empha- 
sizing the miraculous elements. b. The effect of traditions 
that have come down through many generations of ill in- 
formed interpreters. c. Theological bias. d. Homiletical 
bias. e. The baby -story interpretation. /. Inadequate meth- 
ods of study in general.* 

11. Space and Time. — All external events of history come 
to pass in space and in time. Hence they need to be studied 
in the light of geography and of chronology. The present 
course will accentuate the importance of looking at the events 
in their proper time relations. 

For sacred geography, we may depend upon published 
works, especially those which are the results of actual survey. 
For sacred chronology, the case is different. Hence the 
especial need of study along this line. 

*For further discussions of points in regard to method, see Historical EvU 
dence vs. Critical Evidence, in Christian Thought for Nov.— Deo., 1884, 



4 

LECTURE II. 
Points in Old Testament Cheonology. 

12. The chronological data found in the Old Testament. — 
They are of various kinds : 

(1) Numerals : a. Cardinal numbers, giving the time an 
event lasted, b. Ordinal numbers, giving the date when an 
event occurred or began or ended, c. Long numbers, giving 
the interval between two distant events, e. g. the 480 of 1 Ki. 
vi. 1. 

(2) The nature of the events narrated : a. As themselves 
occupying time. Here, notably, generations of men, or 
periods in some one human life. b. As so related as to show 
the order in which they must have occurred, c. As belong- 
ing to certain seasons of the year. 

(3) Connective words, or time-phrases, such as "afterward '' 
or "unto this day, 1 ' indicating the order in which events 
occurred. 

(4) The order in which the events are narrated. This is 
commonly, though not always, that in which they occurred. 

(5) Points for comparison with data from external sources, 
notably : a. Eclipses or other astronomical data. b. Extra- 
biblical historical testimony, especially Josephus and the ori- 
ental monuments and other writings. c. Real or supposed 
laws of historical development. 

13. The connecting link between current chronology and 
that of the Old Testament. — The first year of Nebuchadnezzar 
of Babylon was 604 B. C, and was the fourth year of Jehoia- 
kim of Judah (Jer. xxv. 1 et al.). 

14. Limits of Old Testament chronology. — For the times 
earlier than the downfall of Samaria, there is no agreement 
among experts as to the dates B. C. in Old Testament events, 
and the dates commonly given are misleading. Yet in most 
cases the order of the earlier events can be ascertained, and 
they can be dated relatively to each other. 



15. The Old Testament year. — For the names of months, 
etc. see articles in the bible dictionaries on "Month" and 
"Tear." (1) Give proofs: a. That the men of the Old 
Testament had a fixed year, beginning near the vernal equinox 
(Ex. xii. 2, xiii. 4, xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 18, 22, Lev. xxiii. 5- 
16, Josh v. 10, 11). b. That this year was appointed by 
law (ibid.). c. That it was their sacred year (Lev. xvi. 29, 
xxiii. 5, 24, 27, etc., Num. ix. 1, 5, 11, xxviii. 16, xxix. 1, 7, 
etc., 2 Chron. v. 3, vii. 10, etc, Ezra vi. 19, Neh. vii. 73, viii. 
2, 14, 1 Ki. xii. 32, 33). d. That it was used in reckoning 
secular affairs (Jer. xxxvi. 22, 23, 2 Ki. xxv. 25 cf. Jer. xl. 
10, xii 8, Ex. xvi. 1, xix. 1, xl. 2, 17, Num. i. 1, 18, x. 11, xx. 1, 
Deut. i. 3, Josh. iv. 19). e. That it was used in counting 
the regnal years of kings (2 Chron. xxix. 3, 17 cf. xxx. 1-3, 
13. 15, and xxxi. 7, Esth. iii. 7 cf. 12, viii. 9, ii. 16, iii. 13, 1 
Ki. vi. 1, 37, cf. 2 Chron. iii. 2, 1 Ki. vi. 38, Zech. vii. 1, i. 
7, Hag. i. 1, 15 cf. 11). (2) Can you find proof that any other 
way of reckoning years was regularly practiced in Old Testa 
merit times ? See, for example, the Bible Dictionaries, Jose- 
phus Ant. I. iii. 3, Ex. xii. 2, Lev. xxv. 4, 9, Ex. xxiii. 16 
and xxxiv. 22, Jer. i. 3, Neh. i. 1 and ii. 1. 

16. Mode of counting time, in the bible. — Four closely re_ 
lated peculiarities should be noticed : First, the authors of the 
bible count time by units only, disregarding fractions. 
Second, Hence, broken terminal units are liable to an ambig- 
uous interpretation. Third, so are ordinal numbers. Fourth, 
A series is sometimes spoken of with reference to its final 
terminus only. 

17. Reckoning by units only. — a. According ro the view 
commonly received, what were the three days (in Mt. xii. 40, 
kt three days and nights") that our Saviour lay in the grave? 
b. From this as a typical instance, explain the difference be- 
tween the bible method of reckoning time, and our common 
method. 

The bible method is to count by units only, disregarding 
fractions. In the biblical use of numbers, such units as years 
and days are not thought of strictly as measures of time, but 



6 

as current periods wholly or partly covered by the event 
spoken of. 

18. Broken terminal units. — The broken year within which 
one king dies and is succeeded by another is always counted, 
as one year, to the outgoing king. Sometimes it is also 
counted to the incoming king, and so counted twice. For 
example, Harrison succeeded Cleveland as president in March, 
1889. By the mode of reckoning most common in the Old 
Testament, the year 1889 was the fourth year of Cleveland, 
the year 1890 was the first year of Harrison, and each admin- 
istration was four years. But by a mode of reckoning which 
is also not infrequent, the year 1889 is the first year of Har- 
rison as well as the fourth year of Cleveland, and the reign of 
Harrison is five years. Thus reckoned, the four years of 
Cleveland and the live years of Harrison taken togother make 
eight years, and not nine. By the mode of counting that 
chiefly prevails in the Old Testament, Harrison was president 
for ten months before his first year began. In the Assyrian 
records, a sharp distinction is made between a king's acces- 
sion year and his first year. 

19. The ambiguity in ordinal numbers. — When it is stated 
that a king began to reign in a certain year of another king, 
the meaning may be that his first year is coincident with the 
designated year of the other king, or it may be that his actual 
accession occurred during that year, that is, that his accession 
year is coincident with the designated year of the other king. 

20. Counting to the final terminus only. — When a longer 
period is itself thought of as a unit, the same mode of concep- 
tion may prevail. That is, an event completed in the last 
year or day of a period may be spoken of as if it covered the 
period, even when it did not begin with the period. For in- 
stance, Samson's wife is said to have wept upon him "the 
seven days that their feast lasted" (Jud. xiv. 17 cf. 14), 
though she certainly did not begin her weeping earlier than 
the fourth of those days. See also Num. xiv. 33, Gfen. xv. 1.3, 
Ex. xii. 40, Jud. iii. 11, 30, v. 31, viii. 28. 



LECTURE III. 
Method. Division. Extrabiblical Materials. 

21. A method of chronological study. — We have found 
that the bible states numerical facts in ways different from 
ours, and that a certain proportion of its statements are ca- 
pable of being understood in more than one meaning. This 
Joes not necessarily render its statements uncertain, or diffi- 
cult to understand. As a matter of fact, the true meaning is 
nearly always clear, provided we pursue a correct method. 
Bat the matter of method is exceedingly important. Many 
problems in biblical chronology cannot be solved by processes 
of mere addition and subtraction or averaging or conjectural 
correction ; but only by some process of tabulation such that 
it shall make the numbers check and interpret each other. 

Procure a blank book of ruled paper with twenty-live lines 
or more to the page. In the middle of every right hand page 
rule five vertical columns, each, say, three eighths of an inch 
in width. The three left hand columns will ordinarily be 
used in tabulating the dates as you come to them, the other 
two being reserved to be filled up in later studies. Twenty 
five lines on a page are a convenient number because twenty 
five is an even divisor of one hundred. If you have f jwer 
lines, you will have too many pages ; and if you have fifty 
lines instead of twenty five, your page will be unwieldy. 
The remaining space on the page, with all the space on the 
left hand page, yon will need for explanations and notes. 

An important advantage of this simple piece of apparatus 
is that by it you can record the results of your present studies 
in a form in which they will be left open for additions in the 
future. 

22. The true principle of division for bible history. — On 
what basis ought we to proceed in dividing the history re- 
corded in the Old Testament into periods \ Shall we make the 
division on the basis of the inner meaning or of the outward 



8 

facts (Q.ues. 3) ? Many attempt to divide on the basis of the 
inner meaning, finding in it a certain number of successive 
stages in the progress of redemption. To these attempts 
there are two objections : First, the divisions thus made com- 
monly disagree with those found in the Old Testament itself. 
Second, there is no sufficient uniformity of opinion as to the 
limits of the successive stages of the process of redemption. 
And on the other hand, the division made in the Old Testa- 
ment itself, the division on the basis of the external facts, is 
admirably simple and sufficient. 

23. The four periods of the history. — Central among the 
external facts of the history of the chosen people stands the 
national sanctuary, which the writers of the Old Testament 
regard as the nucleus of the people's worship and of the na- 
tional institutions and achievements. The Old Testament in- 
cludes four series of historical works, treating of four succes- 
sive periods in the history of the sanctuary. The first of 
these is the Hexateuch, treating of the formative period of 
the sanctuary and its institutions ; the second is the books of 
Judges and 1 and 2 Samuel, with or without Ruth, treating 
of the period when the sanctuary was wandering ; the third is 
the first and second books of Kings, treating of the period 
when the sanctuary was Solomon's temple ; the fourth is the 
first and second books of Chronicles, with Ezra and Xehemiah, 
reviewing these three periods and treating of the times when 
the sanctuary was the second temple. 

24. Extra-biblical data for the chronology. — The data of 
the Septuagint translation often differ from those of the He- 
brew, and sometimes supplement them. The differences are 
especially important for the pre-Abrahamic times, but there 
are differences for the later times. The Samaritan Penta- 
teuch differs from both the Hebrew and the Septuagint. The 
numerals of Josephus sometimes differ from those of the 
bible, and he gives a good deal of additional chronological 
material, much of it of no value, from Hebrew, Tyrian, 
Egyptian and other sources. Among classical writers, Hero- 
dotus (B. C. 445), Diodorus Siculus (B. C. 44 nearly) and 



9 

Strabo Relied 25 A. D.) abound in chronological materials, 
more or less trustworthy, in regard to the peoples with which 
the Israelites came into contact. Works often referred to 
are the Chronograph ia of Julius Africanus, the Chronicon of 
Eusebius, and the work of the monk Georgius Syncellus of the 
ninth century A. D., through which these more ancient works 
have come down to us. The Seder Olam is a Jewish chrono- 
logical work written early in the Christian era, the Seder 
Olam Zutta being an appendix to it written many centuries 
later. 

Sufficient information in regard to these can be had from 
books of reference. Of especial importance to the biblical 
student are the Egyptian chronology as given in Manetho 
and the monuments, which will be considered in Lecture 
VIII ; and the Assyrian and Babylonian chronologies as given 
in Berosus and the monuments, consideration of which 
belongs properly at the opening of the third period. 



PART I. 
FORMATIVE PERIOD — ADAM TO J,OSHUA 



Division I. Pre-Abrahamic History. 



LECTURE IV. 

Antediluvian Chronology and History, Gen. i-v. 

25. Subdivision of the formative period. — This period 
naturally divides itself into two parts : the preliminary his- 
tory, including the times before the migration of Abraham to 
Palestine (Gen. i.-xi.) ; and the beginning of the history of 
the chosen people, from the migration of Abraham to the 
death of Joshua. The preliminary history may again be di- 



10 

vided into two periods, the antediluvian and the postdiluvian, 
each of which has a chronology of its own given in the book 
of Genesis. The history of the chosen people divides itself 
into the topics hereafter given. 



LECTURE V. 



From the Flood to the Migration of Abraham, 

Gen. vi-xi. 



Part I, Second Division. Beginnings of the history of the 

Chosen People. 



LECTURE VI. 
Abraham in Canaan, Gen. xn-xxv. 11. 



j 



26. The chronological basis. — For the time from Abraham 
to Joshua there is nothing to indicate whether the numbers 
are to be reckoned inclusive of both terminal units, or of one 
terminal unit only. It is convenient to adopt the latter way 
of reckoning, thus making our results agree directly with 
those obtained by adding or subtracting the numbers. The 
difference does not amount to more than a year or two for 
any date, and is unimportant. 

27. A standard of measurement. — At the head of the 
middle column in your ruled book, write (abbreviated) "Mi- 
gration of Abraham." Then fill the column for four pages 
with the numerals from 1 to 100. These will indicate the 
years of the period beginning wdien Abraham came to Pales- 
tine, and will serve as a standard with which to compare 
other chronological data. 



11 

28. Events that are explicitly dated. — a. At the head of 
the next column to the left write "Abraham," and fill the 
column with the years of the life of Abraham, beginning with 
76 ; in the space to the right of your five columns, on the 
same line with 1 and 76, write " Abr. 75 when he cai: Ja- 
naan (xii. 4)," and opposite 175 write "Abr. d. aged 175 
(xxv. 7)"; opposite 100 in the years of Abraham write 
"Isaac b. (xxi. 5, etc.)," and fill the column to the left with 
the years of Isaac, making his first year correspond to the 
101st year of Abraham ; in the space to the right, opposite 
the 60 in the years of Isaac, enter "Esau and Jacob b. 
(xxv. 26)," and write the years of Jacob in a short added 
column to the left, making his first year the same with the 
61st year of Tsaac ; then in their proper places in the space 
to the right enter the following items : the birth of Ishmael 
(xvi. 16) ; the covenant of circumcision (xvii. 1, 24, 25) ; the 
theophany at Mamre (xviii. 10 cf. xvii. 17, 21, etc.) ; the de- 
struction of Sodom (xviii. 10, xix.) ; the death of Sarah (xxiii. 
1 cf. xvii. 17) ; the marriage of Isaac (xxv. 20). 

29. Events approximately dated. — Enter them under the 
date where you judge that they belong: Abraham in Egyx>t 
(xii.) ; separation of Abraham and Lot (xiii.) ; rescue of Lot 
by Abraham, and the interview with Melchizedek (xiv.); the 
covenant of the parts (xv.) ; the sending away of Ishmael 
(xxi.) ; the covenant with Abimelech (xxi. 22-34) ; the Isaac 
sacrifice (xxii.), the marriage with Keturah (xxv. 1) ; Abra- 
ham's ante mortem arrangements (xxv. 1-6). 

30. Events less evidently dated. — Enter the following, ac- 
cording to your best judgment : the births of Moab and Am- 
nion (xix. 30-38) ; the Abimelech affair (xx.) ; the marriage 
of Ishmael (xxi. 21). 

31. Tlie geography. — Locate the following regions and 
places ; Ur, Haran, Egypt, Shechem, Bethel, Hebron, the cir- 
cuit of the Jordan, Sodom and the sister cities, Beer-sheba, 
Beer-lahai-roi, Gerar, the land of the Philistines. 

32. Palestine as Abraham found it. — a. Four kinds of inhab- 
itants, perhaps more (xii. 6, xiv. 13, xxiii. 3, etc.; xiv. 2, etc.; 



12 

xiv. 5, 6, etc.; xxi. 34 cf. xxvi. 1. 8; perhaps xiv. 18, etc.) 

b. Many different independent peoples (ibid, and xxxv. 5). 

c. Idolatrous religions, probably, and human sacrifices. d. 
A civilization pretty well advanced (xxiii., e. g.). e. The 
rudiments, at least, of the Hebrew language, j. A region 
which had already been more than once swept by the conquer- 
ing armies of Egypt or of Mesopotamia (xiv.). 

33. Abraham and his fellow immigrants. — a. How numer- 
ous were they (xii. 5, xiii. 6, xiv. 14, etc.) i b. Was their 
longevity exceptional, or were their contemporaries generally 
as longlived as they I c. The relation of his retainers to the 
covenant (xvii. 12. 13, 23. 27). 

34. Abraham's religion. — a. Altars (xii. 7, 8, xiii. 18, cf. 
xxvi. 25). b. Theophanies (especially xiii. 14 sq., xv., xvii., 
xviii., xxii.). c. Different names for God (e. g. xvii. 1, 15, 
xviii. 3, xiv. 22). d. The great divine purpose, promise, 
covenant (e. g. xii. 3, xviii. 18, xxii. 18, xvii. 4 sq.). Who 
are the parties to it \ Who are its human beneficiaries \ What 
did an ordinary sensible retainer of Abraham understand in 
regard to the relations of Abraham to ' ' all the families of the 
ground" \ 

35. Summary. — On the basis of the table of events which 
you have written, give an account of Abraham's life in Pales- 
tine, in a proper setting of time and place. 



LECTURE VII. 

Isaac axd Jacob ix Caxaax. Gen. xxv. H.-xlvii. 12. 

36. Dated events. — a. Extend your column of the years 
of the Migration to 225; your column of the years of Jacob to the 
same limit ; your column of the years of Isaac to the end of 
his life. b. Enter in their proper places the following events: 
Esau's first marriages (xxvi. 34) ; Jacob going to Egypt 
(xlvii. 9) ; the first and seventh of the years of famine 



13 

(xlv. 6, 11 ; the first and seventh of the seven years of 
plenty (xli. 52-54, etc.) ; the birth of Joseph (xli. 46) ; the 
first and sixth of the six years of service (xxx. 25 sq., xxxi. 
41, 38) ; Jacob's return to Palestine ; the birth of Benjamin 
(xxxv. 16 sq.) ; death of Ishmael (xxv. 17) ; Joseph taken to 
Egypt (xxxvii. 2) ; death of Isaac (xxxv. 28). 

37. Events approximately dated. — a Enter in their prob- 
able places the following events : the affair of Shechem and 
Dinah (xxxiv., xxxv. 5) ; the births of Dinah, Simeon and Levi 
(xxxiv. 25, xxx. 21, xxix. 33, 34) ; the births of Jacob's re- 
maining eight sons (xxix. -xxx.) ; Jacob's fourteen years of 
service (xxix. 18 20, 27, 30, xxxi. 41, 38) ; Esau's Ishmaelite 
marriage (xxviii. 9) ; Jacob going to Paddan-aram (xxviii.) ■ 
the affair of the birthright (xxv. 29-34) ; Isaac with the Philis- 
tines (xxvi.). b. Also the following : marriage of Judah to 
the daughter of Shua (xxxviii. 2), marriage of Er and Tamar 
(xxxviii. 6) ; birth of Perez and Zerah (xxxviii.) ; Esau aban 
doning the land of promise (xxxvi. 6). 

38. The geography. — Locate Paddan-aram and Jacob's 
route thither, Galeed, the Jabbok, the region of Seir, Dothan, 
the regions occupied respectively by Isaac, Jacob and Esau 
after Jacob's return to Palestine, the route of Joseph into 
Egypt. 

39. The related peoples. — a. Gather what information you 
can in regard to Laban's people, b. How about their language 
as compared with that of Jacob (Gen. xxxi. 47) \ c. Using 
a concordance, get together what information you can in re- 
gard to the Ishmaelites, the Medanites, and the Midianites, 
up to the time when Israel went into Egypt. 

40. Who tvere the Israelites that went into Egypt? — In a 
general sense, they were the seventy persons indicated in 
Gen. xlvi. 8-26, with their women and their retainers, many 
thousands in all. See Gen. xlvi. 27, Ex. i. 5, Deut. x. 22, 
Act vii. 14. JSote Gen. xlvi. 27, 7, 15, 17. Note also Gen. 
xlvi. 12. Finally, note such passages as Gen. xii. 5, xiii. 6, 
xiv. 14, xxiv. 35, xxvi. 16, xxxii. 5, 13-23, xxxvi. 7, xlvi. 6, 
compared with xvii, 12, 13, 23, 27, Ex. xii. 44, 48. We 



14 

should think of Joseph's brothers, buying corn, not as ten 
men with ten asses and no more, but as ten merchant princes, 
with a sufficient retinue. 

41. The industrial condition of the Israelites at this time. — 
Were they nomadic ? Or should they be classed as an agricul- 
tural people (Gen. xxvi. 12, xxxiii. 19, xlii. 1, etc.) I 

42. Religious and ethical questions.- -a. Altars (Gen. 
xxvi. 25, xxxiii. 20, xxxv. 1, 3, 7). b. Theophanies (xxvi. 
2, xxviii. 11-22, xxxi. 11-13, 24, 29, xxxii. 1, 24-32, 
xxxv. 1, 9-13, xlvi. 2-4). c. The vow at Bethel and 
its fulfillment (xxviii. 22, xxxv.). d. The religious training 
of Jacob's ten elder sons (xxxi. 19, 30, 34, 35, xxxv. 2-4). 
e. The birthright, the blessing, the reparation (xxv. 29-34, 
xxvii. 1-40, xxxii. -xxxiii.). /. The change of name and 
character (xxxii. 24-32, xxxv. 10). g. The great promise 
(xxvi. 4, xxviii. 14, and the references above). 

43. Sketch the life and character of Isaac. 

44. Sketch the life and character of Jacob, not neglecting 
his great spiritual experiences. 

45. Sketch the life and character of Esau, and the proces- 
ses by which he lost his birthright. 



LECTURE VIII. 

The Hexateuch and Egyptology. 

46. Sources of information.— All the encyclopedias have 
articles on Egypt. For a brief article, that of Professor Gillett, 
in the new Johnson's Cyclopcedia (1893) is good, and for a 
long and elaborate article, that of R. S. Poole, in the Encyc. 
Brit. Rawlinsous History of Ancient Egypt and Wilkinson's 
At Egyptians are well known works. Other recent 

works are numerous. Dr. A. H. Kellogg' s book Abraham, 
Joseph and Moses in Egypt (N. Y. 1887) is sufficiently definite 
and careful to be of great use. 



15 

The best known ancient source is the writings of Manetho, 
who wrote in Greek, at Alexandria, probably in the third 
century B. C. Fragments of his history of Egypt are preserved 
in Josephus (Cont. Ap. i. 14 sq., 26 sq.), and in the Chrono- 
graphia of Julius Africanus (about 220 A. D.) This work 
of Africanus is itself extant only in the fragments quoted by 
Eusebius in his Chronicon (about 325 A. D.), and in the cita- 
tions made, in part from the Chronicon and in part from a 
copy of Africanus, by Georgius Syncellus, of the ninth cent- 
ury A. D. Manetho as thus handed down is often contradict- 
ory and unintelligible, but is still our most important source 
for Egyptian chronology. 

Not to mention other fragmentary ancient sources, a large 
amount of valuable but indigestible information comes to us 
through the monuments of Egypt. Inscriptions and papyri 
have been deciphered, giving many details in regard to many 
periods in the history. In particular, three lists of the kings 
of Egypt have been found, known as the Turin Papyrus, the 
Tablet of Abydos, and the Tablet of Sakkarah. Descriptions 
of these may be found in the various books and articles, in- 
cluding many tables of the dynasties, and comparative tables 
of the kings. In the old series of the Records of the past, the 
even numbered volumes are made up of Egyptian documents. 
The new series contains much Egyptian material, including 
extensive selections from the El-amarna records, and a treat- 
ment of Manetho. 

47. Synchronous Eggptian history. — It is generally held 
that the Pharaohs of the oppression and the exodus were 
those of the nineteenth dynasty. In connection with the his- 
tory of Israel in these times, we need to consider the twenti- 
eth, the nineteenth, and the eighteenth Egyptian dynasties, 
and the shepherd kings. 

48. The shepherd kings. — The eighteenth dynasty in 
Egypt was directly preceded by the reigns of the Hyksos. 
otherwise known as the shepherd kings. At this point there 
is confusion in regard to the dynasties. The duration of the 
rule of the Hyksos, is variously stated at from 511 years to 



16 

less than 200 years. In the midst of this uncertainty, two 
things seem to be known : first, the Hyksos were foreigners, 
of Semitic race ; second, six of them reigned in a group 
directly before the accession of the eighteenth dynasty. The 
sum of the years of the six is 260 according to Manetho as 
qnoted in Josephus, 284 according to Manetho as quoted in 
Africanus. Egyptologists now commonly hold that the six 
reigns covered a period of less than 200 years. Salatis was 
the first of the six, and Apophis, whom many regard as the 
Pharaoh of Joseph, was either the fourth or the sixth. Ma- 
netho in Josejmus assigns 19 years to Salatis, and 61 years 
to Apophis. 

The Hyksos were worshippers of Sutech, and to some ex- 
tent persecutors of the Egyptian religion. 

40. The eighteenth dynasty. — This dynasty came in by the 
bloody overthrow of the shepherd kings. It was a Theban 
dynasty. It included perhaps 15 sovereigns. Manetho makes 
its duration to be, according to Josephus 246 years, according 
to Africanus 263 years, according to Eusebius 348 years. 
Rawlinson and others estimate it at a little less than 200 
years. In this dynasty the priests were in high favor. 

Early in this dynasty, the Egyptian armies marched to the 
Euphrates. 

The fifth sovereign of this dynasty was Queen Hatasu, who 
is prominently mentioned on the Egyptian monuments, 
though her name is omitted in the monumental list of kings. 
The sixth is Thothmes III, Xephr- khepru, Mephres, Miphres, 
Misaphris. To him the copies of Manetho assigns either 12 or 
13 years, while the monuments speak of a Mesopotamian 
campaign in his 33rd year, and speak of his reign as extend- 
ing long after that. As conqueror, builder, and patron of 
history he is nearly the greatest of Egyptian kings. His ar- 
mies overran Syria and Mesopotamia. Rawlinson makes his 
reign to have been 54 years, including the 22 years of queen 
Hatasu. 

The ninth sovereign of this dynasty was Amenophis III, 
Amen-hotep, Ma-neb-ra, Memnon, who reigned more than 36 



17 

years, and was noted for justice and kindness, and for his 
Asiatic affiliations. His successor was Amenophis IV, Amen- 
hotep, Nefer-khepr-ra, Na-en-ra, Khuen-aten " or light of the 
Solar Disc," Mi-aten, Mi-Harmakhu. He reigned twelve 
years or more, was very peculiar looking, effected a religious 
revolution, establishing sun worship, got the emmity of the 
priests, founded a new capital, Khu-aten, at El-amarna on 
the upper Nile. Among the archives of his reign are the cele- 
brated El-amarna tablets, including reports and letters to him 
and to his father from various parts of Palestine. These show 
that all that region had been subject to Egypt, but that the 
power of Egypt there was now broken and declining. 

Amenophis IV was succeeded perhaps by a daughter, and 
certainly by three sons-in-law in succession. To these Manetho 
in Josephus assigns 45 years in all, but the time was probably 
very much less. They reigned in Thebes, and tolerated the 
old religion. They were succeeded by Horemheb, who is com- 
monly identified with Horus, who claimed to be direct succes- 
sor to Amenophis III, and who restored the old religion. 

50. The nineteenth dynasty. — The kings of this dynasty 
were related in blood to those of the eighteenth. They are : 
first, Rameses I, a year and four months ; second, Seti I, 
more than 30 years ; third,. Rameses II, 6? years or more, 
either including or excluding a co-reign with his father, one of 
the greatest Egyptian builders and conquerors ; fourth, 
Men'phthah, eight years or more after the death of Rameses ; 
fifth, three more kings, known by various names, whose reigns 
were brief and troubled, and are imperfectly known. The 
Pharaohs of the oppression were Seti I and his successors, 
and the Pharaoh of the exodus was one of the four successors 
to Rameses II. 

51. Tiie twentieth dynasty. — It was founded by Set-nekht, 
of the same family with the kings of the nineteenth dynasty, 
who after a very brief reign was succeeded by Rameses III, 
who reigned 32 years. They rescued Egypt from a condition 
of anarchy, in which a Syrian invader named Aarsu figures 
largely. Rameses III was distinguished for his good govern- 



18 

ment, and for pushing the arms of Egypt as far as into Meso- 
potamia. 

52. The Lepsian date for the exodus — An Egyptian Sothic 
cycle of 1460 solar years terminated 139 A. D. It began there- 
fore 132*2 B. C. This cycle was known as the '-era of Meno- 
phres" . Nobody knows anything about Menophres. But if 
he was a king of Egypt, and if the name is misspelt, and 
ought to be Mendphthes, and if Menophthes is one more variant 
for Meuphthah, which appears in the Greek variously as 
Menephthes. Amenephthes, Armendphthes, Amenophis, and if 
this particular Men'phthah was the Amenophis, to whose 
reign Manetho and Josephus assign the exodus, and if they 
are correct in so assigning it, then it follows that the exodus 
occurred somewhere about 1320 B. C. This theory is sup- 
posed to be supported by other astronomical data, but the 
other data are even more shadowy than those just given. 

Yet this date is now very generally received. It is held to 
be strongly confirmed by the fact that the El-amarna tablets 
(see Records of the Past, new series, ii. 57 sq.. iii. 55 sq.') 
show that Amenophis IV. was contemporary with Burna- 
buryas of Babylonia, and Assur-yuballidh of Assyria, kings 
who are said to have flourished about 1430 B. C. But there 
is a large element of conjecture in this latter date, and apparent- 
ly the acceptance of these dates involves the rejection of the 
bible numerals by the wholesale. It is a case where we may 
as well wait for more evidence. 



LECTURE IX. 



Israel in Egypt, and the Oppkessiox, Gen. xxixx-l., 

Ex. i-vii. 7. 

53. Dated events. — a. Extend your column of the years of 
Abraham' s migration to 475, and your column of the years of 
Jacob to his death, b. Enter the following events : the death 
of Jacob (Gen. xlvii. 28) ; the death of Joseph (1. 22, 26) ; the 



19 

death of Levi (Ex. vi. 16). c. Assuming that the last year in 
Egypt was the year 480 of the migration of Abraham (Ex. xii. 
40. 41). enter the following: the birth of Moses (Ex. vii. ?i; 
the birth of Aaron (Ex. vii. 7) ; the flight of Moses to Midian 
(Acts vii. 23, 30) ; and. conjeeturally, the deaths of Leah, 
Kohath, A m ram (Gen. xlix. 31, Ex. vi. 18, 20): cl. From the 
materials in the bible how nearly can you date the law for 
throwing the male children into the Nile? Hew nearly can 
you date the beginning of the oppression ? 

54. The Pharaohs of Abraham^ Isaac; and Joseph. — The 
Pharaoh of Abraham was probably one of the shepherd kings 
(Gen. xii. 15-20); The famine when Isaac was forbidden to 
go to Egypt (Gen. xxvi. 2) may have been that which occurred 
(Encyc. Brit. "Egypt, 11 p. 736) in the reign of the last shep- 
herd king. Had Isaac then gone to Egypt, he might have 
become mixed up in the bloody revolution in which the 
Hyksos dominion perished. It is often said that the Pharaoh 
of Joseph was Apophis of the Hyksos dynasty, but that is 
impossible. As Joseph was in Egypt 93 years, and in power 
80 years, he must have been contemporary with several Phar- 
aohs. It was a dynasty which was in close affiliation with the 
Egyptian priesthood (Gen. xii. 45, 50, xlvi. 20, xlvii. 22, 26) ; 
a dynasty in which the Egyptians of the court were ceremo- 
nially sej)arated from shepherds and from the men of Joseph's 
race (xlvi. 34, xliii. 32) ; a dynasty when horses and chariots 
abounded (xii. 43, xlvi. 29, xlvii. 17, 1. 9). These and many 
other indications show that Joseph's exaltation occurred not 
earlier than the latest years of Thothmes III, and the coming 
of Israel to Egypt not later than the early years of Ameno- 
phis III. 

55. Duration of the sojourn iii Egypt. — It closed with the 
close of the year 430 of the migration of Abraham. The first 
215 years (more exactly, 212 years, for the years of Abraham, 
Isaac and Jacob really ought to be counted inclusively) pre- 
ceded the sojourn, leaving 215 years (more exactly, 218) for 
the sojourn itself. The opinion is very prevalent, however, 
that the sojourn occupied the whole 430 years. See Ex. xii. 



20 

40, 41, with the readings of the different copies of the Septua- 
gint, and of the Samaritan Pentateuch, Gal. iii. 17, Jos. Ant. 
II. xv. 2, VIII. iii. 1, II. ix. 1, Gen. xv. 13, 16. Acts vii. 6, 
and synchronous Egyptian history. 

56. Geography. — Locate the route of Jacob's funeral (Gen. 
1.). Locate the region occupied by Israel in Egypt, noting in 
particular the extent of the region, considering their number, 
and the fact that they dwelt to some extent mingled with 
other inhabitants (Ex. xii. 23. 35, 36, e. g. I. 

57. The Oppression. — State the nature of the labor oppres- 
sion to which they were subjected. Especially compare the 
word mas (Ex. i. 11) with the same word as used in the times 
of David and Solomon. In what sense were the Israelites 
" slaves " (Ex. xiii. 3, 14, xx. 2, etc. | \ 

58. Joseph. — Sketch his life and character. 

59. The residence in Egypt and the oppression. — Sketch 
them. 



LECTURE X. 
The Exodus axd the March to Sixai, Ex. i-xviit. 

60. Dated events. — a. Opposite the year of the Migration 
431 enter " The exodus (Ques. 55)." b. On the left hand page, 
make a list of the following details : the months preceding 
the first month of the exodus year (Ex. ii. 23-xii. cf. vii. 7, 
xvi. 35, etc.. Dent, xxxiv. 7. etc.) ; the first half month (xii. 
3-6, etc.) ; the month of time following (xvi. 1) ; the next 
half month (xix. 1 ) ; three days (xix. 11, etc.) ; periods of 
forty days (xxiv. 18, xxxiv. 28, Dent. ix. 9, 11, 18, 25, x. 10); 
the first day of the next year (Ex. xl. 2, 17). 

61. The numbers of Israel. — a. Should we connect the 
600,000 of Ex. xii. 37 with either or both the enumerations in 
Numbers (Num. i., ii., iii., xxvi.) ? b. Was the census a 
count of individuals ? or a count of companies, that is, of 
hundreds, fifties, etc.? c. Would the difference between 



.21 

these two ways of counting make any difference in the whole 
number ? d. How does the number of the " firstborn males ' : 
(Num. iii. 43), compare with the total number of the people ? 
e. Note any jjoints in which these questions may be signifi- 
cant. 

62. Geography. — a. Locate the route of the main column 
to the place where they crossed the sea. b. Look up different 
views in regard to this. c. The route and principal camping 
places of the main column from the place of crossing to the 
Sinai region, as traditionally located, d. Where were the 
Israelites the evening before the fifteenth of Abib ? e. Is it 
said or implied that they made miraculous marches in order 
to join the main column \ f. Is it said or implied that either 
they or their flocks and herds subsisted by miracle, while 
they remained in Egypt ? g. How large a proportion of the 
people were in the main column, when it crossed the Red sea ? 
h. Did the miracle at the crossing give freedom to those who 
then crossed only ( or to the rest of the nation as well \ 

63. The great miracles of the deliverance from Egypt. — 
Sketch them : a. The plagues of Egypt, b. The Red sea 
crossing (Ex. xiv., xv.). c. The supply of water (xv. 22-26, 
xvii. 1-7). d. The supply of food (xvi.). e. The defeat of 
Amalek (xvii. 8-16). 

64. IsraeV s religion, just before the legislation from Sinai. — 
a. Altars, sacrifice, priesthood, etc. (Ex. xvii. 15, xxiv. 4, 6, 
iii. 18, v. 3, 8, 17, viii. 8, 26, 27, 28, 29 (4, 22, 23, 24, 25), x. 
25, xii. 27, xviii. 12, xxiv. 5, xix. 22, 24, etc.). b. The 
earlier "tent of meeting," Ex. xxxiii. 7-11. c. Theopha- 
nies (iii., vi. 2 sq., xiii. 21, etc., xix.-xx.). d. The great 
promise: the covenant, oath, etc., with Abraham (Ex. ii. 24, 
iii. 6, 7, 15, 16, iv. 5, vi. 3, 8). e. The priest-nation (xix. 
0-6). 

65. The exodus movement. — Sketch it in its relations to 
time, place, and miracle, from the burning bush to the arrival 
at Sinai. 



22 

LECTURE -XL 
The Giving of the Hexateuchal Legislation. 

66. This legislation classifier]. — First, the covenant legisla- 
tion ; second, the priestly legislation ; third, the Deuterono- 
mic legislation. 

67. The earlier covenant legislation. — First, "the ten 
Words" ; second "the Judgments" ; third, the short "Cove- 
nant." They should be distinguished from the later covenant 
legislation of Deuteronomy. As we shall see, the three are 
all said to have been reduced to writing by Moses between the 
third and the seventh months of the first year of the exodus. 
Many scholars now hold that they were written in the eighth 
century B. C, or a little earlier. 

68. The ten Words. — So the Hebrew regularly designates 
what we are accustomed to call the ten commandments (Ex. 
xxxiv. 28. Deut. iv. 18. x. 4). a. Given orally (Ex. xx. 1, 
18-21, Deut. iv. 10. 12. 15. 33. 30, x. 4, etc. \. " h. Rehearsed 
orally, along with the Judgments, as the basis of the covenant 
(Ex. xxiv. 3). c. Written by Moses in "the book of the 
covenant," and again solemnly accepted (Ex. xxiv. 4, 7). d. 
The "testimony" copy of them first given more than forty 
days later, written by the finger of God on two tables of stone 
(Ex. xxiv. 12. xxxi. 18, Deut. iv. 13, v. 22 (19), etc.). . e. This 
copy having been broken, a duplicate given either forty or 
eighty days later (Ex. xxxii. 15, 16, 19, xxxiv. 1. 4. 28. 21). 
Dent. ix. 9-11. 18, 25, x. 1-5, 10, etc.). f. " The tables of the 
covenant'' (Ex. xxxiv. 28, Deut. ix. 9, 11, 15, etc.,. g. These 
two tables, later, placed in the ark, being its sole contents, in 
distinction from other objects that Avere placed before it or 
beside it (Deut. x. 2, 5, 1 Ki. viii. 9, 2 Chron. v. 10, 1 Sam. vi. 
19, and Ex. xl. 3. 20, xxv. 16. 21 ; Deut. xxxi. 26 cf. the fol- 
lowing : xvii. 18-19, 8-11, xxxi. 9-13, 21-27, Josh. viii. 34-35; 
Ex. xvi. 33. 34. xl. 4-5. 22-27. Num. xvii. 10. 4, Heb. ix. 1-5 i. 
and constituting it "the ark of the testimony" (Ex. xxvi, 



23 

33, 34, xxx. 6, 26, xxxi. 7, xl. 21, etc.), and the "ark of the 
covenant" (Num. x. 33, xiv. 44, Dent. x. 8, etc.). 

69. The Judgments. — Otherwise known as "the covenant 
code'' or "the judges' code' 7 (Ex. xxi.-xxiii. cf. Ex. xx. 18- 
2Q, Dent. v. 22-31, vi. 1 sq., etc.). Made the basis of the 
covenant, first orally and then in writing along with the Words 
(xxiv. 3-8). 

70. The little covenant code. — A repetition of that part of 
the covenant code which concerns the national religious ob- 
servances, given in connection with the second pair of tables 
(Ex. xxxiv. 10-27). 

71. The Priestly legislation. — It includes the "holiness 
code,'' the tabernacle code, the sacrificial manual, and much 
other legislation, ceremonial and civil. 

72. The J/oliness code. — This is the name given by many 
scholars to the compact body of laws (Lev. xvi.-xxvi.) which 
the Levite priests were to enforce upon the people for keep- 
ing them separate to Yahweh. These laws claim in detail to 
have been given in the lifetime of Moses (xvii. 1, xviii. 1, xix. 
1. xxi. 1, 17, 24, xxiii. 1, 9, 23, 26. 33, 44, etc.), and claim as 
a whole (xxvi. 46) to have been given t; in mount Sinai by the 
hand of Moses/' that is, not later than the early part of the 
second year of the exodus. On the question whether Moses 
gave them in writing they are silent. 

The scholars who hold to the late date of the pentateuch 
regard this as the earliest part of the priestly legislation, later 
than the covenant laws, but either pre-exilian or at least not 
much later than the exile. 

Lev. xxvii. (see verses 1, 34) is an appendix to this code, 
and makes the same claim as to date. 

73. The tabernacle code. — The digested laws for the "tent 
of meeting" and its priesthood and worship, given in two 
parts: first, "the pattern" (Ex. xxv. 9, 40) or construction- 
plan (Ex. xxv. 1-xxxi. 11) ; and second, the return-report 
(xxxv. 4-xxxix. 43). It claims to have been given during the 
forty days before the giving of the first tables. The nature 
of its contents suggests the probability that it was given in 



24 

writing. In the critical views now current, this is regarded 
as among the latest parts of the hexateuch. dating long after 
the exile. 

74. The manual of sacrifice {Lev. i.-vii.) — It purports to 
have been given to Moses (iv. 1, v. 14. etc. i. while Aaron was 
alive (vii. 34, 35), at mount Sinai (vir. 35-38), after the tent of 
meeting was built (i. 1). Whether given in writing is not 
stated, but such a law must necessarily have been given in 
very definite form. 

75. Other priestly laws. — Many of them are dated, either by 
their contents or by the order of the narrative, in the first or 
the second year of the exodus (e. g. Lev. viii.-x. and xvi., and 
most of the laws in Num. i.-xiv. ). Others are dated in or before 
the first forty days at Sinai (e. g. laws of passover, firstborn 
and sabbath, in Ex. xii., xiii.. xvi.. xxxi. 12-17, xxxv. 1-3). 
Others are only dated by being attributed to Moses, or to 
Moses and Aaron (e. g. Lev. xi.-xv.. Num. xv. sq. }. But 
there is scarcely a section that is not in some way specifically 
assigned to the times of Moses. A few of the later laws in 
Numbers seem to be attributed to the latter part of the forty 
years. 

76. The Deirferonomic legislation. — In Dent. i. 3-iv. 43 and 
iv. 44-xi. there is much exhortation, based on the covenant 
legislation. In chaps, xii.-xxvi. is a body of laws, some- 
times described as "the people's code," in part duplicating 
the covenant and the priestly laws, and in part independent. 
Included in chapters xxvii.-xxx. are "the words of the 
covenant which Yah well commanded Moses to make with the 
children of Israel in the land of Moab, beside the covenant 
which he made with them in Horeb ? ' (xxix. 1, Heb. xxviii. 
69). All these parts of Deuteronomy purport to have been 
uttered during the last part of the fortieth year of the exodus, 
in the form of public addresses to the people (i. 1-3, iv. 44 sq., 
xxvii. 1. 9, 11, etc., xxxi. 9 sq., 24 sq., etc.), and all, or at 
least nearly all claim to have been then put in writing. Much 
current criticism holds that the main part of Deuteronomy 



25 

was written in the time of King Josiah of Judah, a little 
before 621 B. C. 

77 The art of writing in the time of the exodus. — The 
verb kathabh occurs nearly forty times in the accounts of the 
exodus period, and in such connections as to indicate that 
writing was well known and Avidely practiced among the 
Israelites who came out from Egypt. This is in agreement 
with all that we know from other sources as to the probabili- 
ties in the case. Writing is not mentioned in the Old Testa- 
ment till the times of the exodus, though the little poems that 
are quoted (e. g. Gen. iv. 23-24, ix. 25-27, xxvii. 27-40, etc.) 
indicate the existence of literature from much earlier times. 

78. The exodus legislation and earlier institutions. — The 
narratives do not represent that Israel came out from Egypt 
an unorganized and uncivilized mob. a. In Egypt they had 
elders (Ex. iii. 16, 18, iv. 29, and many places), -'officers' 
(shofrim, different from their Egyptian taskmasters, v. 6, 10, 
14, 15, 19), and princes, n'siim, ruling in the tribes by heredi- 
tary right or influence (Ex. xvi. 22. xxxiv. 31, Num. i. 16, 44, 
ii. 3, 5. etc.), A few weeks after they left Egypt, this was 
supplemented, at Jethro's suggestion, by the decimal plan of 
captains of thousands, hundreds, etc. (Ex. xviii.). Later 
(Num. xi. 16-30, Dent, i. 9-18), the council of seventy was 
organized. This council is not spoken of in Ex. xxiv. 1, 9. 
The phrase there is indefinite, ' w Seventy of the elders of Israel. ' ' 
b. There is every reason to think that the exodus legislation 
incorporated earlier usages into itself, and was largely made 
up of materials so incorporated (Ques. 64). 



LECTURE XII. 

The Forty Years, Ex. xl., Num. i-xix. 

79. Their beginning and end. — They began with the first 
month of the year, the month when Israel left Egypt, and 
ended with the close of the year, just before the first month 



26 

• Josh. iv. 19, v. 10, cf. Dent. i. 3, also Ex. vii. 7 and Acts vii. 
23, 30 with Dent. xxxi. 2, xxxiv. 7 and Num. xxxiii. 38, 39). 

80. Dated events of the second year. — Enter the following 
on the left hand page : tent of meeting reared iEx. xl. 1. 17 > : 
twelve days' offering (Num. vii. 1. 12, 18. etc.. to 78) ; pass- 
over kept <ix. 1. 3) ; command to number the people (i. 1. 18); 
second passover iix. 11 and context i; the start from Sinai 
(x. 11); first inarch (x. 33); tire, quails, the seventy, the 
plague (xi. 19. 20, 21 and context); distance from Horeb to 
Kadesh (Dent. i. 2); waiting for the spies (Num. xiii. 25); 
the season of the year (xiii. 23 1 : the stay at Kadesh (Dent. i. 
46. Num. xx. 1, 23-29. xxxiii 38, Dent. ii. 14). The date in 
Num. xx. 1 is connected with the events that follow, that is 
with the fortieth year. According to Dent. ii. 14. Israel re- 
mained in Kadesh after the return of the spies till some time 
in the third year of the exodus. 

81. Geography. — Point out Sinai. Horeb, Taberah. Hazeroth, 
mount Seir. Paran. Kadesh-barnea. the South country, Hebron. 
Ha math. Eshcol. Hormah. 

S2. Duration and incidents of uhat is called u the wander- 
ing." — Commonly spoken of as in years <see "forty" in con- 
cordance). Actually about 37 1-2 years (see Ques. 80). Ap- 
parently the incidents preserved are that of the sticks on the 
sabbath, that of Koiah. Dathan and Abiram, that of Aaron's 
rod (Num. xv.-xvii. i. 

83. Manna and quails. — To what extent, according to the 
bible, did they subsist on these (Ex. xvi., Xum. xi.. Deut.viii. 
3, 16, xxix. 6. Josh. v. 12, Ps. lxxviii. 24-25. Neh. ix. 20, John 
vi. 31. 49. 58, Heb. ix. 4, Rev. ii. 17. and Ex. x. 9, 24. xii. 
32, 38. xvii. 3. xix. 13. xxxiv. 3. xxii. .3. 6. 9, Num. iii. 41. 
4."). xi. 22. vii.. ix.. Lev. xvii.. Num. xx. 19. xxxii.. Dent. iii. 
19, Ex. iii. 22, xii. 36. xxxii.. Dent. ii. 3. 28)'. 

84. The quadruple camp. — How are we to understand the 
order of encampment and of march described in Num. ii. and 
xJ 

85. The religious deterioration in the wilderness. — a. In 
the matter of sacrifice, as measured by the levitical laws i Dent, 



27 

xii. 8 and context), b. In the matter of circumcision (Josh. 
v. 2-9). 

86. The manner of life in the wilderness. — Sketch it (Num. 
xxxii. 13, xiv. 33, Dent. viii. 4. xxix. 5). 



LECTUEE XIII. 
The Fortieth Year, Num. xx-xxxvi, Deuteronomy. 

87. Dated events. — Enter the following on the left hand 
page, opposite the year 470, specifying the dates, when these 
are given : the regathering at Kadesh (Num. xx. 1) ; the mes- 
sage to Edom (xx. 14-21); the start from Kadesh (22) ; the 
death of Aaron (Num. xx. 23-29. xxxiii. 38), and the mourn- 
ing (xx. 29) : the serpent of brass (xxi. 1-11) ; Zered (xxi. 12, 
Dent. ii. 14 and context) : the conquest of Sihon (Num. xxi. 
13-30, Dent. ii. 24-37, Jnd. xi.) ; the conquest of Og (Num. 
xxi. 31-35, Dent. iii.Y; they encamp in the Jordan valley 
(Num. xxii. 1) ; Balaam (Num. xxii.-xxiv. ) ; war with 
Midian (xxv., xxxi.); second census (xxvi) ; the two and a 
half tribes (Num. xxxii. and Deut.) ; cities of refuge (Num. 
xxxv., Deut. iv. 41-43) ; the giving of Deuteronomy, general 
(Deut. i. 1-2) ; the parts of Deuteronomy, specific (Deut. i. 
3-o, iv. 46. etc.) ; death of Moses, and mourning for him 
(Deut. xxxiv. 5-8). 

88. Geography. — Point out Kadesh barnea, Edom, mount 
Hor, Zered, Arnon, Moab and Amnion of the time of the ex- 
odus, tlu dominions of Sihon. of Og, the Arboth of Moab, 
Pethor by the River, Pisgah, Midian. 

89. The kindred peoples at the time of the e-rodns. — Make 
a study of them, using concordance : Edom, Moab, Amnion, 
Midian. Amalek, Jethro's people (Jethro, Peuel, Raguel, 
Hobab, the Kenite). 

90. Egyptian-Palestinian history.— a. During the sojourn 
in Egypt, b. During the 40 years, c. For the decades fol- 
lowing the 40 years. 

91. The history of the fortieth year. — Sketch it. 



28 

LECTURE XIV. 
The Conquest by Joshua, Josh, i-xxiy. 

92. The extent of the land to be conquered. — From the 
.Mediterranean to the Euphrates (Josh. i. 4 and parallel 
passages i. 

93. Physical geography. — a. Give an account of the Arabah, 
the Jordan valley, with its extensions north and south, b. 
Of the Mishor, the plateau to the east of the Jordan valley. 
c. Of the Bashan region, including the volcanic Argob. d. 
Of the liar, the mountain country west of the Jordan, e. Of 
the Shephelah. the Afediterranean lowlands. /. Of the 
Ash doth, the slopes, g. Of the Negeb, the south country. 
//. Of the Midhbar, the wilderness, i. Of the Lebanon and 
Hermon region. 

94. The inhabitants and their geographical location. — Be- 
sides the kindred peoples, the Moabites, Ammonites, etc.. 
who were exempt from conquest, there were : (1) Giants : Og 
and his Rephaim. other Rephaim (Josh. xvii. 15), Anakim. 
Avvim. (2) Philistines. (3) Canaanitic peoples: a. The 
Canaanite proper, lowlanders. either including or excluding 
the Phoenicians. b. The Amorite. Highlanders. c. The 
Jebusite, the Hivvite, the Perizzite. the Girgashite. (4) The 
Hittite, mainly to the north. (5) Aramaean peoples, doubt- 
less, to the northeast. 

95. Possibilities of formidable resistance. — These peoples 
existed in the form of a great number of petty kingdoms. 
But they had a traditional way of banding themselves together 
for war, under the dictatorship of some one king, which made 
them a military power not to be despised even by the great 
empires of Egypt or Assyria. 

96. The principal events. — Extend your column of the 
years of the migration of Abraham, and place the following- 
events : a. Accession of Joshua (Josh. i. 1-9). b. Crossing 
the Jordan and capture of Jericho and Ai (i. 10-viii. 29 ; on the 
left hand page note the following dated events ; the spies, ii. 



20 

16, 22 ; the preparations for moving, i. 11, iii. 2 ; the night by 
the river, iii. 1, 5 cf. 7 ; the crossing, iv. 19 ; the reeircum- 
cision, v. 2-9 ; the passover, v. 10 ; Jericho, vi. 1, 4, etc.). c. 
Solemnities at Ebal and Gerizim (viii. 30-35), perhaps at the 
time of the feast of booths (viii. 34-35 cf. Dent. xxxi. 10-13), 
the intervening weeks having been occupied in overrunning 
the region from Ai northward, d. The surrender of the 
Gibeonites (ix.). e. The battle at Gibeon, the first of the two 
great battles of the conquest, fought with a confederacy of 
southern kings, and followed by the subjugation of the region 
to the south (x.). /. Battle of the waters of Merom, the second 
great battle, fought with a confederacy of northern kings (xi.- 
xii.). g. Second assignment of territory (xiii. -xvii.) ; the 
first assignment had been that of the region east of the Jordan 
to the two and one half tribes ; the second assignment now is 
to Judah, Ephraim and the other half of Manasseh, and covers 
much more than their share of the territory west of the 
Jordan, h. In connection with this assignment, the incident of 
Caleb (Josh. xiv. 6-15) ; enter it as a dated event, dating also 
this division of territory (xiv. 7, 10 cf.xi.lS; also xiii. l,xxiii.l, 
cf. Ex. xvii. 9, xxiv. 13, etc.) i. Third assignment of territory — 
to the remaining seven tribes (xviii.-xix.) ; much of the land 
that had in the second assignment been given to Judah and 
Joseph is now given to the other tribes, j. Cities of refuge 
and Levite cities (xx.-xxi.). k. Return of the 40,000 (xxii.). 
I. Final arrangements (xxiii.-xxiv.). Josephus says that 
Joshua lived 25 years after the death of Moses. More probably 
he died soon after the 7 years of xiv. 10. 

97 Events later than Joshua. — a. Caleb's conquests (xv. 
14-19 cf. Jud. i. 10-15). b. Capture of Leshem (xix. 47-48 cf. 
Jnd. xvii. -x viii.). c. The tribute service arrangement (xvii. 
12-13, xv. 63, etc.). d. (xxiv. 29-33). e. Other instances, 
likely. 

98. The incompleteness of the conquest. — a. In the extent 
of the territory overrun, as compared with that promised, b. 
In the unsubdued parts of the territory that was overrun 
(Josh. xiii. 1-6, Jud. iii. 1-6, ii. 1-5). c. In the losing either 



30 

temporarily or permanently of many places once captured, 
e. g. Bethel, Hebron. Debir, and many others, d. In the 
suddenness with which the conquest ceased. Inferred from 
comparison between the second and third assignments of 
territory. 

99. The extermination of the Canaan ites. — Its ethical 
aspects. 

100. Caleb.— Sketch his career and character. 

101. Phinehas. — Sketch his career with especial care (Num. 
xxv. 7. 11. xxxi. 6. Ps. cvi. 30, Josh. xxii. 13, 30, 31, 32, xxiv. 
29-33, Jud. xx. 1, 28 cf. xviii. ^7-29 and the context). 

102. Josh a a. — Sketch his life and the history of Israel under 
him. 



LECTURE XT. 
The Institutions of Israel as Joshua Established them. 

103. Israel at rest. — The "rest" promised in Deut. xii. 10 
was regarded as established ; though doubtless as but imper- 
fectly established (Ex. xxxiii. 14. Ps. xcv. 11, Deut. xxv 19. 
iii. 20, Josh. i. 13, 15, xxi. 44. xxii. 4, xxiii. 1). 

104. The national sanctuary. — The centre of national wor- 
ship was the ark and the tent of meeting. These were mov- 
able. If they moved separately, the ark was the centre. In 
the later years of Joshua these were located, though with the 
possibility of removal, at Shiloh. thus giving to Shiloh more 
of the character of a national capital than was possessed by 
any other place (Josh, xviii. 1, 6. 8, 9, 10. xix. 51, xxi. 2, 
xxii. 9, 12, 19, 29. etc.. but cf. xxiv. 1, 26). 

105. Literature in Joshua's time. — a. Business in writing 
(Josh. viii. 32. xviii. 4. 6. 8, 9). b. Literature (Josh. xv. 15. 

.16, x. 13, Num. xxi. 14, etc.). c. Sacred writings (Josh. i. 8, 
viii. 31, 34, xxiii. 6, xxiv. 26, and all the places in the Penta- 
teuch in which writing is mentioned;. 



31 

106. Sacred laws.. — The priests — -the Levites — the cities of 
refuge — the worship at the tent of meeting, etc. 

107. The great promise — Exhibited chiefly in the estab- 
lishing of the institutions of Israel. 



PART II. 

PERIOD OF THE CHANGING SANCTUARY 
JOSHUA TO DAVID. 



LECTURE XVI. 

INTRODUCTORY ^ 



108. The name of the period.— -It is taken from 2 Sam. vii. 
6, 1 Chron. xvii. 5. 

109. Its characteristic. — Israel in the promised land, im- 
perfectly at rest. The rest that began in Joshua's time (Ques. 
103) is thought of as disturbed and broken, in contrast with 
the more complete rest that came, under David with the 
arrangements for the permanent temple (2 Sam. vii. 1, 11, 1 
Chron. xxii. 9-11, 18-19, xxiii. 25-26, xxviii. 2, 1 Ki. v. 4 5, 
viii. 56, 2 Chron. vi. 41, 42, Ps. cxxxii. 8, etc.). The centre 
of national worship is the ark, ordinarily kept in the tent of 
meeting, long located at Shiloh, but movable. There is equal- 
ly a lack of a permanent national capital. 

110. Limits of the period. — Strictly, from the division of 
the land under Joshua to the building of the temple by 
Solomon. But it is practically the same thing to count the 
events from the death of Joshua to the death of David, and 
this is actually done in the bible records. The point of divi- 
sion between Samuel and Kings, or between first and second 
Chronicles, is the accession of Solomon. The chronology is 
counted from the crossing of the Jordan under Joshua. 



32 

111. Biblical sources of information. — a. The principal 
work, Judges, Ruth, and 1 and 2 Samuel, b. 1 Chronicles. 
c. Other mentions in the bible, particularly in the book of 
Joshua and in the Psalms that purport to be of the time of 
David. 

112. The principal historical series for the period. — It is a 
unit, made up as follows : a Prefatory matters (Jud. i.-ii. 5). 
b. Continuous history of the Judges (ii. 6-xiii. 1) ; this is the 
only part that has a consecutive chronology . c. Six personal 
stories (xiii. 2-xvi., xvii.-xviii., xix.-xxi., Ruth, 1 Sam. i. 1- 
iv. la, ix. 1-x. 16). d. Narratives of public history or of the 
life of David (1 Sam. iv. lb to 2 Sam. xx., omitting 1 Sam. 
ix. 1-x. 16) ; the first of these narratives takes up the history 
at the point where Jud. ii. 6-xiii. 1 leaves it. e. Six append- 
ices (2 Sam. xxi. 1-14, 15-22, xxii., xxiii. 1-7, 8-39, xxiv.). 
Some of the Narratives for the time of David are out of 
chronological order, and the six Stories and six Ar3pendices 
are placed without regard to chronological order. Jewish 
tradition attributes this series to the prophets Samuel, Gad, 
and Nathan, and no one disputes that they may at least have 
furnished the materials for it. The earlier Narratives of 
Public History may have been written before the death of 
Samuel ; most of the other parts of the series were written as 
late as the reign of David; notwithstanding many strong 
assertions to the contrary, the series bears no marks later than 
the probable lifetime of Nathan, within the limits of the reign 
of Solomon. 

113. First Chronicles. — a. Genealogies, with incidents in- 
terspersed (i.-ix.). b. Passages transcribed with slight 
changes from 1 and 2 Samuel (x. 1-12, e. g.), alternating with 
abridgements from 1 and 2 Samuel (x. 13-14, e. g.), and with 
sections of new matter (xii., e. g.), the new matter consisting 
mainly of details, or of statements concerning the temple (x. 
1-xxii.). c. The making of Solomon king the first time 
(xxiii. 1-xxix. 22a). d. The making of Solomon king the 
second time, abridged from 1 Ki. i. (xxix. 22b-25). e. Clos- 



33 

ing statements and "Lit." (xxix. 26-30). Written perhaps 
200 years after the destruction of Solomon's temple. 

114. Divisions. — The second great period is properly divided 
into fow parts : the time of the hero judges, Joshua to the 
death of Gideon ; the time of the successive judges, the death 
of Gideon to that of Eli ; the time of Samuel and Saul, begin- 
ning with the death of Eli ; the time of David. 

115. Especial difficulties. — Four such, among others, are 
presented by the history of this period : first, the alleged 
vagueness of manv of the statements ; second, the alleged in- 
consistency of the statements with each other and with prob- 
ability ; third, especially, the alleged unnatural multiplying 
of forties in the chronology ; fourth, the alleged weakness of 
the long numbers. The detailed study of these belongs with 
the details of the history, but certain general considerations 
should be noticed as preliminary. 

116. Alleged uncertainty and inconsistency of statement. — 
AYe may escape many difficulties of these classes : first, by 
not confusing the character of the time of the hero judges 
with that of the successive judges, as is commonly done ; 
second, by duly regarding the marks of literary structure ; 
third, by correctly interpreting the chronological numerals ; 
fourth, by being watchful to arrange the events in their true 
order ; fifth, by carefully noticing the time data, as given in 
the events themselves ; sixth, by avoiding the vicious con- 
jectures and hypotheses that have here been so much used as 
a substitute for careful study, e. g. the hypothesis that some 
of the judges were local. 

117. The forties. — In the history of this period the chrono- 
logical number 40 appears iti seven instances, and the number 
S<) one . It is alleged to be incredible that so many events 
occurred occupying each just 40 years, and that the chronology 
is therefore untrustworthy. But we shall find that the first 
three of these forties and the 80 form a group by themselves, 
marking the peculiarly computed chronology of a period of 
200 years. The 40 of Jud. xiii. 1 applies to the same event 
with that of 1 Sam. iv. 18. The books of Samuel represent 



34 

that the reign of David was properly 41 years, as years are 
usually counted in the bible, the number 40 being applied to 
it only in a general way. It thus appears that the reigns of 
Eli and of Saul are the only two events of the period which 
are said to have lasted just 40 years. That there should be 
two such events is not incredible, even if we add that the ex- 
odus and the reign of Solomon, just before and just after this 
period, each lasted also 40 years. 

118. The long numbers. — According 1 Ki. vi. 1, the fourth 
year of Solomon was the 480th year " to the coming out of the 
sons of Israel from the land of Egypt." This phrase 1 'the 
coming out from Egypt ' ' is applied in Josh. v. 4, 5, to the 
whole period of the 40 years in the wilderness. When it is 
used in connection with a date, we may be sure that the date 
is counted, not from some point during the 40 years, but from 
either the beginning or the close of the 40. It is counted from 
the close of the 40 in Deut. iv. 45, 46, xxiii. 4 (5), xxiv. 9, and 
other places, and often from the beginning of the 40. The 
statement in Kings, therefore, is that the fourth year of 
Solomon was 480 years after either the beginning or the close 
of the 40 years of the exodus. It is alleged that this contra- 
dicts Acts xiii. 20, which speaks of the time of the judges as 
450 years to Samuel, there being SO years between Samuel and 
Solomon. Evidently there is a contradiction unless the author 
of Kings counts from the close of the 40 years of the exodus, 
and Paul from their beginning ; but this is not impossible. 
It is further alleged that both the^e numbers disagree with 
the detailed numbers given in Judges and Samuel; but we 
shall see that the alleged disagreement vanishes when w r e 
simply give to the detailed numbers their natural meaning. 
One needs to settle these questions before discussing the longer 
chronology given by Josephus and other ancients, or the 
shorter, advocated by many moderns. 



35 



Part II. First Division. 



LECTURE XVII. 
The Hero Judges, Jud. i-yiii, xvii-xxi. 

119. Marks of distinction. — a. After the death of Gideon, 
and not before, the years of each judge are given, b. Before 
the death of Gideon, and nowhere else, we hnd periods when 
"the land was quiet forty years" (iii. 11, 30. v. 31, viii. 28). 
c. Up to Gideon the judges are all heroes, raised up for special 
exigencies ; after Gideon, one judge immediately succedes 
another, and none are heroes save Samson and Jephthah. cl. 
In Gideon s time, it was proposed to modify the theocratic 
constitution of Israel by establishing hereditary monarchy, 
(Jud. viii. 22-23) ; at his death the constitution was evidently 
changed, though not to this extent. 

120. The forty year ijeriods of quiet. — Under the succes- 
sive judges the chronology is counted, as was usual in ancient 
times, in the years of the ruling chief magistrate. It could 
not be so counted for the earlier time, because there were then 
no successive chief magistrates. Hence, a different chronolog- 
ical method was needed for that time, and this method is found 
in the successive forties of years when the land " was quiet." 
a. These forties cover the whole time, the other numerals that 
are given being included in them. b. The counting by forties 
is to the final terminus only (Ques. 20). The meaning is, in 
each case, that the land remained quiet to the close of the 
forty year period then current (cf . 1 Sam. vii. 15, xiv. 52, and 
the references under Ques. 20 ). c. The 80 (Jud. iii. 30) is 
the statement of the second and third forties. In this con- 
tinuous part of his history the author mentions no event of 
the second 40 years, and so he combines the second with the 
third. 



36 

121. State the generic process of the history of these times 
(Jud. ii. 11-23). 

122. Dating the events. — For this lecture, give a right hand 
page to each 40 years, not to each 25 years as heretofore. 
Rule the columns down the middle of the page, but for the 
present do not attempt to fill them, except to write 1, 41, 81, 
etc., at the top of each middle column, to indicate the years 
from the close of the exodus period. 

123. The first 40 years. — a. Enter in the right hand space 
the 7 years of Josh. xiv. 7, 10 ; and enter where you think 
they belong the 8 years of Jud. iii. 8. b. Sketch the incidents 
after the death of Joshua (Jud. i. 1— ii. 5). c. How important 
an affair was the oppression of Cushan-rishathaim (iii. 7-11) \ 
d. Give an account of Othniel, the first judge. 

124. The second forty years. — a. Enter the events of the 
story, xvii.-xviii. b. Those of xix.-xxi. c. The probable 
close of the life of Phinehas (Ques. 101). 

125. The third 40 years.— a. Enter the 18 years of the 
oppression by Eglon (iii. 14). b. Sketch this oppression, and 
the deliverance by Ehud, comparing this with the previous 
oppression. 

126. The fourth 40 years — a. Place the 20 years of Jud. 
iv. 3. b. Sketch this oppression and the rescue under Deborah 
and Barak (iv.-v.) c. The contemporary oppression and 
rescue under Shamgar (iii. 31, v. 6). 

127. The fifth 40 years.— a. Place the 7 years of vi 1. b. 
Sketch theMidianite oppression, and the rescue under Gideon, 
and the subsequent events (vi.-viii.). 

128. Summary.— Make a review of the history of the period, 
the events, the conditions of civilization disclosed, etc. 



37 



Part II. Second Division. 



LECTURE XVIII. 
The Successive Judges, Jud. ix.-xvi., Hath, 1 Sam. i-iv. 

129. Dated events — a. In the middle column of the right 
hand page next after the five pages devoted to the hero judges, 
enter 201, the year from the close of the 40 years of the ex- 
odus ; then fill this column, 25 years on a page, to 40!) years. 
b. In the column next to the left enter the years of the suc- 
cessive chief magistrates of Israel : Abimelech (Jud. ix. 22) ; 
Tola and Jair (x. 2, 3) ; Samson (xv. 20, xvi. 31) ; the Ammon- 
ite oppression (x. 8) ; Jephthah, Ibzan, Elon, Abdon (xii. 7, 9, 
11, 14) ; Eli (Jud. xiii. 1, 1 Sam. iv. 18). 

130. Abimelech.— a. Sketch his career, b. Are the exploits 
attributed to him mostly national or local \ c. Was he " cap- 
tain of Israel " (ix. 22) nationally '( or was he a mere local 
chieftain ? 

131. The Ammonite oppression. — Should the numeral in 
Jud. x. 8, be included in the chronological scheme, along with 
those for the reigns of the judges % 

132. Samson. — a. The name seems to be derived from 
Shemesh, the sun. Samson's strength was in his hair, and the 
sun's strength is in his rays. The story is full of marvels, 
though less so than would seem from the current interpreta- 
tion. Do these things prove that the story is a sun-myth, and 
not historical \ b. The story is in two parts (xiii. 2-xv. 20, 
and xvi. ; note especially the tense in the last clause of each 
part); do the 20 years that Samson was judge belong mainly 
with the first part % or with the second part \ or between the 
two parts \ Is it represented that Samson 1 s great strength 
was persistently with him \ or was it a special gift, bestowed 
on particular occasions (xiii. 25, xiv. 6, 19, xv. 14, xvi. 17, 20, 
28) % d. Is it represented that Samson was a leader of men ? 



38 

or merely that he was by himself a strong man (xv. 4, 15, 20, 
etc.)? e. How about Samson as a humorist? /. As judge, 
was he a success ? In particular, did he effect a deliverance 
from the Philistines (xiii. 5 ; also xiv. 4, xv. 11-12, etc., com- 
pared with the fact that in xvi. the Philistines keep on their 
own side of the border) ? g. Four Philistine oppressions are 
mentioned, first, that of Shamgar (iii. 31, x. 11), second, that 
before the Ammonite oppression (x. 7), third, that of the time 
of Eli, fourth, that of the time of Saul ; to which of the four 
does Samson belong? h. Was Samson judge of Israel? or 
merely a local judge? i. His character, as a man who would 
keep fooling with temptations ? 

133. Jephthah. —a. Sketch his career. b. Does the 300 
(Jud. xi. 26) tit the chronology of the period as you have thus 
far written it ? 

134. Eli.—(1) The Philistines were interested to prevent 
Israel from being united under a chief magistrate (1 Sam. vii. 
7, 2 Sam. v. 17). (2) Note three remarkable things concern- 
ing Eli : a. He was a high-priest descended from Ithamar and 
not from Eleazar (see concordance). b. The only high-priest 
who acted as judge, c. His administration coincided with a 
Philistine oppression. (3) In view of these things : a. Is it 
probable that the administration of Eli began with devastating 
wars ? b. How about the material prosperity of Israel during 
the later years of Eli (1 Sam. i.-iv, especially iv. 2. 10)? (4) 
Conjecture the date of the birth of Samuel, and enter it in 
your chronology. 

135. The incidents of the book of Ruth. — Jesse the father 
of David was an old man in the days of Saul (1 Sam. xvii. 12). 
Samuel was an old man at the beginning of Saul's reign (viii. 
1). That is to say, Samuel apparently belonged to the same 
generation with Obed, the father of Jesse (Ruth iv. 21-22), 
a. Supposing Obed to have been born early in the second 
decade of Eli's administration, how does that fit the 10 years of 
Puth i. 4 ? and how does the story fit the rest of what we 
know in regard to the period ? b. In all the genealogies, Sal- 
mon is the only link mentioned between Boaz and Nahshon 



39 

(Ru. iv. 20, 21, 1 Chron. ii. 11, Mat. i. 4-5, Luke iii. 32), 
Nahshon being prince of Judah in the first year of the exodus 
(Num. i. 7, ii. 3, vii. 12, 17, x. 14). According to Mat. i. 5, 
Salmon married Rahab, apparently the Rahab of Josh. ii. 
Does this prove that some of these accounts are unhistorical ? 
or that we must date the incidents of the book of Ruth earlier 
in the times of the judges ? or that the period of the judges 
must all be compressed into the time of two or three genera- 
tions ? or that the genealogies omit several generations between 
Salmon and Boaz \ c Sketch the story of Ruth. d. The 
Canaanites Shua, Tamar, Rahab, and the Moabite Ruth are 
mentioned by name as among the ancestors of David ; what 
significance is there in this ? 

136. The Shiloh sanctuary in ElV s time. — a. Gather partic- 
ulars as to the sanctuary and the worship there, o. Compare 
these with the particulars required in the Pentateuchal laws 
for the national sanctuary. 

137. Summary. — Sketch the history of the period, especially 
noting differences between this and the period of the hero 
judges. 



Part II. Third Division. 



LECTURE XIX. 

Samuel and Saul, 1 Sam. v-xxxi. 

138. Dated events. — a. Extend your column of the years 
from the close of the exodus to 480 or more. b. In the column 
to the left, write the years that Israel lamented after Yahweh 
(1 Sam. vii. 2) ; opposite 480 write 4 (1 Ki. vi. 1) ; backward 
from that point, fill the left hand column with the first 4 years 
of Solomon, the 41 years of David (2 Sam. v. 5), the 40 years 
of Saul (Acts xiii. 21) ; fill the remainder of the column with 
the years of Samuel, 



40 

139. Length of Samuel's administration. — a. How old do 
you judge that Samuel was at the -death of Eli % b. How old 
at the close of the 20 years (1 Sam. vii. 2 ) % c. How old when 
he died (xxv. 1, xxviii. 3) % d. How old when he made his 
sons judges (viii. 1)?, e. How old at the accession of Saul? 
/. Is the period of 18 years given to Samuel in your Dated 
Events long enough and not too long ? 

140. The interregnum of 20 years. — a. The position of 
Samuel at the beginning of it (in. 19-iv. 1). b. The principal 
events (v. 1-vii. 2). c. The policy of Samuel during this period 
(vii. 2-4). cl. To what extent was it probably a period of 
material prosperity ? 

141. "All the days of." — Samuel remained judge till his 
death (vii. 15) ; though after the accession of Saul, the judge 
was no longer chief magistrate, being outranked by the king. 
Israel remained successful against the Philistines as long as 
Samuel continued chief magistrate (vii. 13), this not b^ing con- 
tradicted by x. 5. 

142. Samuel's administration. — The account of it is so 
brief that one might easily miss the fact that it is represented 
as remarkably successful, a. His accession (vii. 5-12). b. 
Military successes (vii. 7-14). c. His judicial arrangements 
(vii. 16-17. If Gilgal of the Jordan valley and Mizpeh of 
Gilead are meant, his circuit was geographically national). 
cl. Peace with the Amorite (vii. 14). e. The nation that he 
handed over to his successor (xi. 8, xv. 4. xiii. 5. etc.). /. 
The desire for a king was due to anxiety for the future, not to 
any lack of present prosperity, g. With these points in mind, 
sketch the history. 

143. The establishment of the kingdom. — Become familiar 
with the several steps taken (viii.-xii.). 

144. The reign of Said. — It is best considered in three 
divisions : first, his early years, when he and Samuel were in 
accord (x. 17-xiii. 2) ; second, the vears when he and Samuel 
had differences (xiii. 3-xv. 35) ; third, the time after Samuel's 
withdrawal from the government (xv. 35). 



41 

145. The first part of SanV s reign, a. He was distinctly 
a young man. That is the impression made by the narrative, 
and it is confirmed by the tradition or conjecture interpolated 
into the revised version (xiii. 1). He may possibly have been 
a married man, having one or more little children, b. The 
defeat of Nahash occurred near the close of his first year, and 
the confirmation of the kingdom soon after the beginning of 
his second year (xiL-17 and the whole context), c. He dis- 
missed the people, establishing his headquarters, with 2,000 
men, at Michmash "and in the mountain country of Bethel," 
while another thousand guarded his home and the crown 
prince Jonathan at Gibeah, near by. Presumably Jona- 
than was now a little boy. cl. Then followed a period of 
uneventful prosperity, lasting till Jonathan was a warrior 
grown (xiii. 3). The prosperity is proved by the tremendous 
effort the Philistines found it necessary to make (xiii. 5) to re- 
cover their lost power, e. These specifications show that the 
king James version correctly interprets xiii. 1. The text 
should be printed with a paragraph division after xiii. 2, and 
careful attention should be given to the circumstantial clauses 
in xiii. 3, 4, 5. /. This view not contradicted by xiv. 52, which 
is an expression that contemplates the final terminus only. 

146. The second part of SauVs reign. — The following events 
are mentioned : War with the Philistines precipitated by the 
act of Jonathan (xiii. 3) ; quarrel with Samuel (xiii. 8-15) ; 
utter subjugation by the Philistines (xiii. 3-23) ; successful 
revolt (xiv. 1-46) ; the Amalekite war (xv.) ; the final disagree- 
ment with Samuel (xv. 9-35). The summary introd uced among 
these narratives (xiv. 47-52) mentions other important exploits 
of Saul, which we have no means of dating, but which give 
additional importance to his reign. 

147. The third part of the reign of Sa id. —From 1 Sam. 
xvi. on, David becomes really the subject of the narratives 
given. They describe how G-od caused Samuel to anoint 
David, and then the successive steps by which David, while 
remaining loyal to Saul, became his successor. The accounts 
we have of Saul relate principally to his desperate wars with 



42 

the Philistines, or to his attempts to destroy David. Read 
the narrative with sufficient care so that you can tell the story. 

148. Special problems in regard to Saul. — a. His evil spirit. 
b. The witch of Endor. c. The two accounts of his death. 

149. Geography . — You will not properly understand this 
part of the history, unless you read it through, carefully 
tracing on the map all its recognizable geographical features. 

150. Sanctuary problems. — a. What became of Shiloh after 
the ark was captured ? /;. In what capacity did the men of 
Kirjath-jearim take charge of the ark (concordance) % c. How 
about the ' ' hill ' ' where they kept it (see concordance, remem- 
bering that ' ' hill " is ' w gibeah " ) ? d. How about 1 Sam. 
xiv. 18-19 ? e. How about altars or sacrifice or sanctuary at 
Bethshemesh, MizpeTi, Ramah, Grilgal, Bethlehem, Nob, Aija- 
lon \ f. How about " the house of the Lord," or the place 
" before the Lord," in the times of Samuel and Saul \ 

151. Saul. — Sketch his character and career. 

152. Jonathan. — Sketch his life and character. 

153. Samuel. — Sketch his life and public services. 

154. The history of Israel. — Sketch it for the times of Eli, 
Samuel and Saul. 



Part II. Fourth Division. History of David. 



LECTURE XX. 

Earlier History of David, 1 Sam. xvi.-2 Sam. iv 



3 



155. Difficulties. — The traditional interpretation of the bible 
account of the life of David represents it as a series of alterna- 
tions between the highest moral and spiritual excellence, and 
the grossest wickedness ; between the most perfect reverence 
for the ceremonial laws of Israel and the most reckless neglect 
of those laws ; and, further, represents David as performing 
the most taxing and conspicuous labors of his life, those des- 



43 

cribed in 1 Cliron. xxiii.-xxix., after he had become physically 
and mentally helpless (1 Ki. L). It is not surprising that 
many, assuming the common interpretation to be correct, re- 
ject much of the history, and especially that part of it which 
attributes many of onr existing psalms to David. 

But the traditional interpretation is palpably incorrect, es- 
pecially in its neglect of three important facts clearly given in 
the narratives of the bible, a. David brought up the ark to 
Jerusalem, not at the beginning of his reign, but after his 
wars of conquest (1 Chron. xiii. 5). b. It follows that the 
phrase "after this," 2 Sam. viii. 1, x. 1, et al, is a phrase 
transferred from narratives that were here copied into our 
present accounts, and does not indicate that the events occurred 
in the order in which they are now narrated, c. There should 
be a paragraph division in the middle of 1 Chron. xxix. 22, 
like that which the revisers have made in 1 Sam. iv. 1. In 
these last chapters of 1 Chronicles we have an account of 
Solomon's being made king (xxiii. 1-xxix. 22a), followed by 
an account of his being made king " a second time " (xxix. 
22b-25), this second account being evidently a condensation of 
1 Ki. i. d. When proper attention is paid to these three facts, 
the biblical events of the life of David fall into intelligible 
order, and most of the difficulties vanish. 

156. Divisions. — The reign of David may be divided into 
four parts : the time when he was king of Judah ; the time of 
his wars, defensive and offensive ; the time of rest ; and the 
time of domestic troubles. The present lecture will treat of 
his pre-regnal life and his .reign over Judah. 

157. The ages of certain persons. — David was 30 years old 
at the death of Saul (2 Sam. v. 4) ; Mephibosheth, Jonathan's 
son, was then 5 years old (2 Sam. iv. 4) ; Ishbosheth, one of 
Saul's younger sons, was forty at about that time (ii. 10) ; 
Saul and his uncle Abner were not yet incapacitated by age. 
We may conjecture that Jonathan was not quite 45, and that 
Saul was under seventy. When David slew Goliath, he may 
have been 20, Jonathan perhaps 34, and Saul about 57. 

J58, David the stripling. — (1) Anointed (1 Sam. xvi. 1-13), 



44 

(2) Saul's minstrel and armorbearer (xvi. 14-23). (3) Goliath 
(xvii. 1-54, 1 Chron. xi. 12-14, 2 Sam. xxiii. 9-10). a. Was 
David then already Saul's armorbearer (xvii. 15, xviii. 5-10)? 
6. How about Saul and Abner not knowing him (xvii. 55-58) ? 
c. "To Jerusalem " (54). d. Goliath 1 s sword (xxi. 9, xxii.10). 
e. Ps. cli., in the Septuagint. (4) David's character at this 
time ? 

159. David' in office under Saul. — a. General statement 
(xviii. 5,30). b. How it came about (6-16). c. "Israel and 
Judah" (16). d. Merab and Michal (17-29). e. David's 
growing reputation (30 ). /. His character at this stage I 

160. David a fugitive. — a. Repeated attempts on his life 
(xix.-xx., Ps. lix.). b. The prophets favor him (xix. 18-24). 
c. The priests favor him, to their own destruction (xxi. 1-9, 
xxii. 7-23. Ps. lii., title). d. Flight to the Philistines 
(xxi. 10-15, Pss. xxxiv., lvi.). e. Gathers followers (xxii. 1-2). 
/. Takes his father and mother to Moab (xxii. 3-5). g. Afra- 
thar joins him, bringing ephod (xxii. 6-23, xxiii. 6-13). //. 
Keilah (xxiii. 1-13). i. Ziph and Maon (xxiii. 14-29, Ps. 54). 
j. AYilderness of Engedi. Saul's skirt (xxiv., Pss. lxiii., lvii., 
cxlii.). k. David's character thus far \ 

161. David after the death of Samuel.— a. Xabal (xxv. 
1-39). b. David becomes a polygamist (40-44). c. The sons 
of Zeruiah apj)ear on the scene (xxvi. 6). d. Saul's spear and 
cruse (xxvi. ). e. Changes in David's character I 

162. The sixteen months with the Philistines.— a. Ziklag 
(xxvii. 1-7, 12). b. Brigandage (8-11). c. His willingness to 
fight against Israel (xxviii. 1-2, xxixA d. Smiting of Ziklag 
and revenge for it (xxx. 1-25). e. David's ethical progress 
(including xxx. 7-8, as well as the rest of the story) ? 

163. The reign of Ishbosheth. — Sketch it as specifically as 
possible, giving dates (2 Sam. ii.-iv.). 

164. Abner. — Sketch his deeds and his character. 

165. Jonathan. — a. Make a sketch of his life and of his 
friendship with David (1 Sam. xiii. 2 sq., xviii. 1-4, xix. 1-7, 
xx., xxiii. 14-18, 2 Sam. i. 17-27). b. At what date did David's 



45 

practical gratitude to Jonathan manifest itself (2 Sam. iv. 4, 
and ix. especially ver. 12). 

166. David king of Judah. — a. News from the battle of 
Gilboa (2 Sam. L). b. Courtesies to chiefs of Judah (1 Sam. 
xxx. 26-31). c. Anointed in Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 1-4). d. 
Period of contest with the northern tribes (ii.-iv.). 

167. Certain points in his conduct at this stage. — (1) His 
consulting Yahweh (ii. 1). (2) His conciliatory policy toward 
northern Israel. (3) His treatment of the house of Saul. a. 
Avenging the deaths of Saul and Ishbosheth. b. His elegy 
(2 Sam. i. 17-27), and his expressions of kind feeling (ii. 5-7). 
c. Michal (iii. 12-16). d. His honoring Abner, but not aveng- 
ing him (27-39). e. The silence as to his doing anything for 
Jonathan's family. (4) His conduct was in many respects 
admirable, but have we an y distinct evidence that he main 
tained, at this time, a high moral or spiritual standard ? 



LECTURE XXI. 
David's Wars, 2 Sam. v., x-xn., xxr. 15-22, xxiii., vin. 

168. Made king of all Israel. — Become familiar with the 
particulars (2 Sam. v. 1-16, 1 Chron. xi. 1-9, xii. 1-40, xiv. 1-7). 
a. The feeling that led to it. b. Jerusalem captured (2 Sam. 
v. 6-8, 1 Chron. xi. 4-6). c. The competition for the office of 
general in chief (1 Chron. xi. 6). d. The new capital (2 Sam. 
v. 9-16, 1 Chron. xi. 8-9, xiv. 1-7, noting that these events 
cover several years. 

169. Philistine wars. — Enter the following as dated events, 
assuming that there was a war for each year : a. David's first 
defensive campaign against the Philistines (2 Sam. v. 17-21, 
xxiii. 13-17, 1 Chron. xiv. 8-12, xi. 15-19). Was this cam- 
paign at all desperate % b. His second defensive campaign (2 
Sam. v. 22-25, 1 Chron. xiv. 13-17). c. His four aggressive 
campaigns against the Philistines (2 Sam. xxi. 15-22, 1 Chron. 



46 

xx. 4-8). d. The outcome of these six campaigns (2 Sam. viii. 
1, 1 Chron. xviii. 1). 

170. David's retirement from active military service. — a. 
Date it (2 Sam. xxi. 15-17). b. How did it come about ? c. 
How was his military prestige afterward kept up (2 Sam. xii. 
26-31)? d. How did he occupy himself (2 Sam. v. 9-16, 1 
Chron. xi. 7-9, xiv. 1-7) ? e. The probable effect on his 
character ? 

171. David's wars of conquest.— Enter them, according to 
your best judgment, as dated events, remembering that the 
summary, 2 Sam. viii., 1 Chron. xviii., refers in part to the 
same events which are elsewhere recorded more in full : a. 
The occasion that opened David's career of conquest (2 Sam. 
x. 1-5, 1 Chron. xix. 1-5, together with Ruth and 1 Sam. xxii. 
3-5, noticing the close relations that existed between Moab 
and Ammon). b. The Medeba campaign, inMoabite territory, 
against Moab, Ammon, the Hadarezer Aramaeans (Zobah, 
Rehob, Tob, Maacah) and mercenaries from Mesopotamia (2 
Sam. x. 6-14, cf. viii. 2, 1 Chron. xix. 6-15 cf. xviii. 2). c. 
The He! am campaign, against the Hadarezer Aramaeans and 
those from Mesopotamia (x. 15-18, viii. 3-4, 1 Chron. xix. 
16-18, xviii. 3-4, title of Ps. lx.). d. The campaign against 
Hadarezer and the Damascus Aramaeans (2 Sam. viii. 5, 1 
Chron. xviii. 5, 1 Ki. xi. 23-25). e. Outcome in the subjuga- 
tion of the Aramaeans (2 Sam. viii. 6-8, x. 19, 1 Chron. xviii. 
6-8, xix. 19). /. Submission of Hamath (2 Sam. viii. 9-11, 1 
Chron. xviii. 9-10). g. Final successes against Amnion (2 
Sam. xi., xii., 1 Chron. xx. 1-3). h. Against Moab (2 Sam. 
viii. 2, 12, 1 Chron. xviii. 2 11). i. Against Edom (2 Sam. 
viii. 13-14, 1 Chron. xviii. 12-13, 1 Ki. xi: 14-22, Ps. lx.). 

172. David's empire.— a. Trace his conquests geographical- 
ly, b. Indicate the extent of his dominion at the beginning 
and at the close of them. c. The nature of his dominion over 
the Edomite, Moabite, Ammonite, and Aramaean regions (2 
Sam. viii. 2, 6, 1 Chron. xviii. 2, 6). d. To what extent did 
these conquests probably place Israelitish residents within 
those regions (2 Sam. viii. 6, 1 Chron. xiii. 5) ? e. The probable 



47 

effect of these conquests on Israel, in such matters as luxury, 
architecture, art, literature, culture, etc.? 

173. Organization of David's government. — a. Note the 
duties of the several heads of departments (2 Sam. viii. 15-18, 
1 Chron. xviii. 14-17). b. Some of David 7 s sons were now 
grown men ; how does this lit the dates you have obtained 
from the campaigns \ c. How about the office held by David' s 
sons ? Does it indicate that he, at this time, knew and respect- 
ed the Pentateuchal laws 8 

174. David's great sin. — a. Date it (2 Sam. xi. 1, during 
the siege of Rabbah, see Ques. 170 g). b. The season of the 
year (2 Sam. xi. 1, 11, 1 Chron. xx. 1) \ c. Was the birth of 
Solomon (2 Sam. xii. 24-25 cf. 1 Chron. iii. 5) before the com- 
pletion of the wars of conquest I or after ? d. Was the rebuke 
of Nathan and the birth of the first child of David and Bath- 
sheba (2 Sam. xii. 1-23) before the capture of Rabbah \ or after? 
e. Ps. li. 



LECTURE XXII. 
The Period of Rest ix David\s Reign, 2 Sam. vi., vn., ix. 

175. The date of the first attempt to bring the ark to Jeru- 
salem. — For this David gathered his officials from Hamath to 
Shihor of Egypt (1 Chron. xiii. 5). a. Was this before his 
wars of conquest % or after ? b. Before his repentance for his 
sin in the matter of Uriah % or after \ c. Was his carrying the 
ark on a cart of a piece with his making his sons priests (2 
Sam. viii. 18) \ and do the two belong to the same part of his 
reign ? 

176. The attempt itself. — The law required that the ark 
should be carried by rods on the shoulders of Levite priests. 
David, instead, attempted to bring it on a cart (2 Sam. vi. 1-11, 
1 Chron. xiii.). The death of Uzzah was an admonition to him 
and his people. They were right in attempting to restore the 
national worship of Yahweh, but it was their duty to take the 



48 

trouble to learn how to do it correctly. Their failure to do 
this was disrespectful to God, and needed to be severely re- 
buked. 

177. The ark brought in.— a. Carried by men, with sacri- 
fices, music, and dancing (2 Sam. vi. 12-23, and more in detail 
in 1 Chron. xv., xvi.). b. Placed in a tent in Jerusalem, and 
arrangements made for religious services before it (2 Sam. vi: 
17-18, 1 Chron. xvi.). c. Arrangements for other services, in- 
cluding morning and evening burnt offering, at Gibeon, near 
by (1 Chron. xvi. 39-43). cl. In connection with 1 Chron. xvi. 
read Pss. cv., xcvi., cvi., cxxxii. 

178. The significance of this act. — After four centuries of 
uncertain iDrosperity and unsettled institutions, the nation now 
at last has a fixed capital, and a permanent religious centre. 
The "rest," imperfectly given in Joshua's time (Ques. 103) 
is now more fully given (see "rest" in concordance). After 
the centuries during which the ark has moved from place to 
place, Yahweh has at length chosen a place to put his name 
there (Deut, xii. 10-11, 2 Chron. vi. 4-6, 2 Sam. vii. 5-11, 1 
Chron. xvii. 4-10, etc.). 

179. David's spiritual history. — (1) For the time before the 
death of Samuel. David is presented to us as spiritually sensi- 
tive, and as attaining to remarkable heights of moral excel- 
lence. During this time, many psalms are connected with his 
name. For the time following his repentence for his great sin, 
many psalms are also attributed to him, and great excellence 
of character, though he is hampered and sorrowful, by reason 
of the disabilities he has brought upon himself. In contrast 
with both is the time between the death of Samuel and the re- 
pentance of David. For this period he displays many public 
virtues, including a certain regard for God and religion, and 
none of his conduct is worse than that of other men of his 
time, similarly situated. But for this part of his life : a. No 
psalms are attributed to him. b. Nor any zeal for the national 
worship, c. Nor any especial religious excellence of any kind. 
cl. Nor any adequate recognition of his debt of friendship to 
Jonathan, e. Nor, in short, any distinct marks of moral im- 



49 

provement, to balance the many marks of moral deterioration. 
(2) In the matter of David's sin : a. Make a list of points in 
aggravation of its moral badness, b. A list of points in 
aggravation of its evil effect on David's position. (3) A man 
of David's insight and susceptibility cannot have been indiffer- 
ent to these things, a. What is likely to have been his state 
of mind during the interval between his sin and God's accept- 
ance of his repentance \ b. Is there any connection between 
this and his cruelties, just at this time, to the people he con- 
quered \ (4) In the moral history of David as thus understood 
we have not a series of alternations from the loftiest heights 
to the lowest depths. We have him first on the heights ; then 
for more than twenty years he deteriorates ; then suddenly 
plunges to the lowest depths; then repents, and from that 
time on remains faithful, though hindered by the burdens with 
which he has loaded himself. 

180. Mephibosheth. — The incidents of 2 Sam. ix. apparently 
occurred after the birth of Mephibosheth's son, and therefore 
after the wars of conquest. If the Ammiel of ix. 4, 5, is to be 
identified with Ammiel the father of Bathsheba (1 Chron. iiL 
5), she and Mephibosheth had probably been playmates, and 
it may have been through her influence that David at last 
showed affection for the son of his old friend. 

181. The fate of the house of Said. — a. The statement that 
Michal had no son (2 Sam. vi. 23) is only a statement of fact, 
and not a statement that she was punished for her despising 
David. The fact is .important, both because this historian has 
set himself the task of telling what became of the house of 
Saul, and because the son of David's senior wife, had there 
been one, would have had strong claims to be David's suc- 
cessor, b. Notice the fate of the two sons of Rizpah and the 
five sons of Merab (2 Sam. xxi. 1-14, 1 Sam. xviii. 17-19). c. 
Date the three years of famine (2 Sam. xxi. 1). The stronger 
probabilities are those which favor a date soon after David 
became established as king of all Israel. Later, the rage for 
vengeance would have faded out among the Gribeonites, espec- 
ially after they had been soothed, and their importance 
recognized, from the bringing up of the ark and the projects 



50 

for building the temple. At this earlier date David doubtless 
knew of Mephibosheth, though he did not yet publicly take 
cognizance of him. 

182. The great promise. — Study the details of it, as given 
in 2 Sam. vii. and 1 Chron. xvii. a. Made to David when 
God had given him rest from all his enemies, b. Made in 
response to his wish to build a house for Yahweh. c. The 
promise is, centrally, that Yahweh will build David a house, 
that is, will give him a " seed," that is, a line of descendants 
who shall reign eternally ; and this ,is irrevocable, even for 
their sins. cl. This "seed" shall build the house for Yah- 
weh. e. David evidently recognizes in the promise a distin- 
guished renewal of the great covenant to Abraham and to 
Israel at the exodus. /. Read Pss. xviii. and ii., noting how 
they celebrate David's victories in the light of this promise. 

183. Solomon born. — After the giving of this promise, and 
therefore after the bringing up of the ark (1 Chron. xxii. 8-10). 
Earned Solomon in view of his peaceful reign, and in 
view of the wider reign of peace of the " seed " of David ; 
and Jedidiah, "beloved of Yahweh,'' as being in the line of 
succession of the "seed" (2 Sam. xii. 24-25). 



LECTURE XXIII. 
Last Years of David, 2 Sam. xm-xxiv.. 1 Chron. xxi.-xxix. 



i 



184. Dated events. — Assuming that the phrase "from an 
end of forty years " (2 Sam. xv. 7) designates the close of the 
fortieth year of David's reign ; assuming also that Josephus 
is correct (A n t. VII. ix. 1) in saying that "four years had 
elapsed since his father's reconciliation, to him" ; enter the 
following as dated events : a. Absalom's four conspicuous 
years, b. His two years of seclusion in Jerusalem (xiv. 28). 
c. His three years of banishment (xiii. 38). cl. His two years 
of waiting for vengeance (xiii. 23). 

185. David suffering from retributive justice. — In these 



51 

successive events and those that followed, he is graphically 
represented as reaping the bad harvests from the bad seed he 
has sown in his polygamy, his politic deference to bad men, 
his lust and murder, his failure to punish crime, his neglect of 
spiritual duties. 

186. The temple-building policy. — This seems to have been 
the controlling idea of the the later years of David' s reign. 
a. Liturgical preparation for the service of the new temple: 
the cultivation of a magnificent worship at the tent in Jerusa- 
lem, and the highplace in Gibeon ; musical training ; the 
organization of priests, Levites, assistants, singers, gatekeep- 
ers, etc. (1 Chron. xv.-xxix.) ; the writing of sacred songs 
(e. g. Pss. cxxxii. and xxx.). b. The making of written plans 
(1 Chron. xxviii. 11-19). c. The providing of materials, by 
personal gifts and by solicitation from the principal Israelites 
(2 Sam. viii. 10-12, 1 Chron. xxix., etc.). cl. The providing 
of a building force, including foreign architects and levies of 
forced labor upon the Canaanitic peoples that remained in the 
land (in concordance see "Hiram," "Huram," "mas," trans- 
lated " tribute.") e. The accession of Solomon, to the exclu- 
sion of his older brothers. 

Inevitably, this policy must have provoked strong opposi- 
tion. Ahithophel, identifying himself with Absalom, doubt- 
less regarded himself as a true legitimist and conservative, 
opposing unwarranted innovations. 

Apparently the six stories (Ques. 112 c) were written in view 
of this situation, to foster the idea that the times when the 
judges ruled and every man did that which was right in his 
own eyes were not after all more satisfactory than the times 
now current. 

187. The thirty-ninth and fortieth years of David. — We 
must regard 1 Chron. xxiii. 1-xxix. 22a as a series of papers 
connected with a definite event. In the opening and closing 
verses that event is said to be the making of Solomon king, 
when David was old, at a great public assembly of Israel. 
The included papers describe the ripening of the arrangements 
for that event, and date this (xxvi. 31) in the fortieth year of 



52 

David. These maturing arrangements were affected by the 
breaking off of the census made by Joab (1 Chron. xxvii. 24, 
xxi., 2 Sam. xxiv.). As this census was in progress for nine 
months and twenty days (2 Sam. xxiv. 8), it must have begun 
the previous year. We have therefore, the following cast of 
events : a. The census begun shortly before the middle of the 
39th year, and broken off early in the 40th year. b. The three 
days of pestilence (2 Sam. xxiv. 13, 1 Chron. xxi. 12). c. 
The sacrifice at Oman's threshing floor, wheat threshing 
season (1 Chron. xxi. 20). d. The floor chosen as the temple 
site ( 1 Chron. xxii. 1) e. Under the impetus of this, special 
activity throughout the year, in preparation for the temple 
and the enthroning of Solomon. /. Of course, this stimulated 
the secret activity of the Absalom faction, and they were 
helped by the calamity of the pestilence. Doubtless the cen- 
sus was also unpopular in itself, as possibly indicating that 
new burdens were to be imposed. 

188. The forty-first year of David. — a. At the opening of 
the year the assembly and the enthroning of Solomon (1 Chron. 
xxiii. 1-xxix. 22a). 6. Directly after, the outbreak of Ab- 
salom's rebellion (2 Sam. xv. 7), before harvest (xvii. 19, 28). 
c. The course and the overthrow of the rebellion, and the 
bringing back of the king. d. Sheba' s rebellion (2 Sam. xx. 
1-22). e. The government (xx. 23-26). /. David's illness; 
the attempt of Adonijah, the legitimist party being re-inforced 
by Joab and Abiathar ; Solomon made king the second time 
(1 Ki. i., 1 Chron. xxix. 22b-30). 

189. Psalms of the forty-first year. — a. How do Pss. iii., 
iv., vii., lxxxix., fit the time of Absalom's rebellion \ o. How 
do Pss. xli., Iv., xxxviii.-xl. fit the time of the affair of Adon- 
ijah ? 

190. Joab. — His character, his career, and his influence over 
David. 

191. Ahithophel. — His character, career and motives. 

192. Absalom: — His character and personal and public 
history. 

193." Abiathar. — His position in the history. 
194. David. — His life and times. 



53 

PART III. 

PERIOD OF FIXED SANCTUARY— BUILDING TO 
BURNING OF TEMPLE. 



LECTURE XXIV. 
The Reign of Solomon. 

195. Divisions of Part III. — The subordinate periods are 
named after the successive great empires with which Israel 
came in contact : the pre- Assyrian period, the early Assyri- 
an, the middle Assyrian, the late Assyrian, the Babylonian, 
the Persian. 

196. The pre- Assyrian period. — It includes the reign of 
Solomon, and the dynasties of Jeroboam and Baasha of the 
northern kingdom, with the corresponding history of the 
southern kingdom. In this and the three following lectures we 
will consider, first, the dated events of Solomon' s reign ; sec- 
ond, other facts for his reign, and then the disruption that 
followed ; third, the history for the time of the first two north- 
ern dynasties. 

197. Dated events in Solomon's reign. — a. Provide book as 
required in Ques. 21. b. Beginning with page 95 or further 
on, write at the head of the middle column A. T. J. (Anno 
Transitus per Jordanem, the year of the crossing of the Jor- 
dan), and fill 25 lines of that column, beginning with the 
number 476, also 16 lines of the same column of the next right 
hand page. c. Opposite 480 write, in the column to the left, 
the number 4 (fourth year of Solomon, 1 Ki. vi. 1). From 
this as a starting point, write in this column the 40 years (1 
Ki. xi. 42) of Solomon, d. In the space to the right, enter, 
at the proper places, the following dated events : the first 
year of Solomon ; the death of David and accession of Solo- 
mon ; the founding and the completing of the temple (1 Ki. 



54 

vi. 1, 37-38) ; beginning and completing of Solomon's house 
(1 Ki. vii. 1, ix. 10, 2 Chron. viii. 1); dedication of temple (1 Ki. 
viii. 2, 65, 2 Chron. v. 3, vii. 8-10); death of Shimei (ii. 39). 

198. Other events. — On your left hand page enter the fol- 
lowing events, with notes indicating the approximate dates : 
a. Death of Adonijah (1 Ki. ii. 12-25). b. Of Joab (28-34). 

c. Retirement of Abiathar and of Shimei (26-27, 35, 36-38). 

d. Solomon ,s dream (3 Ki. iii. 4-15, 2 Chron. i. 2-13). e. 
The two women (iii. 16-28, especially 28). /. Negotiations 
with Tyre and preparations for building (1 Ki. v, 2 Chron. ii). 
g. Solomon's second vision (1 Ki. ix. 1-9, 2 Chron. vii. 12-22). 
h. Marrying Pharaoh's daughter, and other foreign wives (1 
Ki. iii. 1, vii. 8. ix. 16, 24, xi. 1-10, 2 Chron. viii. 11). i. 
Visit of the queen of Sheba (1 Ki. x. 1-13). 

199. Solomon s marriages, and family. — a. Pharaoh's 
daughter (Qu. 198 h). b. Other non-Israelite wives (1 Ki. xi. 
1-2). c. Especially Rehoboam's mother (1 Ki. xiv. 21, 31, xi. 
1, 5, 2 Chron. xii. 13). d. Many wives in all (xi. 3). e. His 
daughters (1 Ki. iv. 11, 15). f. His purpose in polygamy 
was doubtless to strengthen his kingdom by a display of mag- 
nificence, and by ties of affinity ; what was the actual result % 

200. Age of Solomon at his accession. — Fourteen years, 
says Josephus ; twelve vears, says the Alexandrian copy of 
the Septuagint, and common Jewish tradition. "Little child" 
(1 Ki. iii. 7). Probably he was not yet an adult. " Hath 
made to me a house" (1 Ki. ii. 24) can hardly mean that 
Solomon, then had children. It is natural to infer that Reho- 
boam was one year old at Solomon's accession (1 Ki. xi. 42, 
xiv. 21, 2 Chron. ix. 30, xii. 13), but the inference is weak 
(see Qu. 221c). 

201. Solomon ' s reign. — Sketch it externally, guiding your 
sketch by the events referred to in the preceding numbers. 



LECTURE XXV. 
Questions Touching the Reign of Solomon. 

202. Extent of his dominions. — a. Locate the frontiers on 
a map (1 Ki. iv. 21, 24 ; 2 Chron. ix. 26). b. Compare Gen. 
xv. 18. Josh. i. 4, etc. ; also the actual extent of the con- 
quests under Joshua. 

203. His commissary districts. — a. Twelve officers and one 
officer in chief (1 Ki. iv, especially 5a, 19b). b. Specifications 
as to their duties (iv. 7, 22, 23, 27, 28). c. Locate their twelve 
districts on the map (iv. 7-19). 

204. Three kinds of subjects — a. Israelites, from Dan to 
Beer-sheba (1 Ki. iv. 25, Qti. 202, 2 Sam. xvii. 11, xxiv. 
2, 7, 15). b. Subject nations, paying tribute (1 Chron. xiii. 
5, 1 Ki. iv. 21, 24, 2 Chron. ix. 26, cf. 2 Sam. viii. 2, 6 and 
1 Ki. ii. 39, xi. 14-2f>). c. Canaanitic inhabitants perform- 
ing mas (1 Ki. ix. 15, 20-22, 2 Chron. viii. 7-10, ii. 2, 17, 
18, 1 Ki. v. 13-18). 

205. The mas. — It was arranged for by David (2 Chron. ii. 
17, 1 Chron. xxii. 2, 15); and was practiced earlier (Josh, 
xvi. 10, xvii. 13, Jud. i. 28, 30, 33, 35, cf. Deut. xx. 11 and 
Josh. ix. 21, 27, etc.). It was like the service of Israel in 
Egypt (Ex. i. 11 cf. Gen. xlix. 15). From the latter part of 
David's reign, it was a govermental department (2 Sam. xx. 
24 [not viii. 16-18], 1 Ki. iv. 6, xii. 18, 2 Chron. x. 18). 

206. Prosperity. — a. Positive statements (1 Ki. iv. 20, 25, 
x. 27, 2 Chron. ix. 27, i. 15). b. Limiting facts (1 Ki. xi. 9, 
2-8, 9-40, xii. 4, ix. 16). 

207. Commerce. — a. Traders in general (1 Ki. x. 15, 2 
Chron. ix. 14). b. Horse and chariot trade (1 Ki. x. 28, 29, 2 
Chron. i. 16-17, ix. 28). c. Trade with Phoenicia for build- 
ding materials and skilled labor (1 Ki. v. 6, 8-12, ix. 11-14, 2 
Chron. ii. 7-16, viii. 2). d. Voyages (1 Ki. ix. 26-28, x. 11, 
12, 22, 2 Chron. viii. 17, 18, ix. 10, 11, 21). The probable 
course of Solomon's Tarshish ships? e. Probable overland 

rade — Tadmor (1 Ki. ix. 18, 2 Chron. viii. 4). 



56 

208. Solomon's revenues. — a. Very large (1 Ki. x. 14, 2 
Cliron. ix. 13). b. Four kinds of tribute: first, Qu. 2C4b; 
second, compliments to his wisdom (1 Ki. x. 23-25, 2 Cliron. 
ix. 22-24, e. g. 1 Ki. x. 1-10, 13, 2 Cliron. ix. 1-12) ; third 
and fourth, "the kings of the mixed peoples, and the pashas 
of the land " (1 Ki. x. 15, 2 Chron. ix. 14b). c. The commis- 
sary levies (iv. 7-28). d. The mas (Qu. 205). e. Commerce 
(Qu. 207). 

209. Solomon's building operations. — The temple, the 
king' s house, the house of Pharaoh' s daughter, the house of 
the forest of Lebanon, Tadmor in the desert, Millo, Gezer, 
other cities, fortifications, etc. (concordance). 

210. Tlie arts of civilization. — a. In regard to the condi- 
tion of architecture, decorative art, music, learning, literature, 
etc., what is to be inferred from the accounts of the edifices 
and cities built by Solomon % b. From the fine woodwork and 
musical instruments (1 Ki. x. 12, 2 Chron. ix. 11), the tar- 
gets and shields (1 Ki. x. 16-17, 2 Chron. ix. 15-16), the 
ivory throne (1 Ki. x. 18-20, 2 Chron. ix. 17-19), the gold 
drinking vessels (1 Ki. x. 21, 2 Chron. ix. 20), and other 
like details ? c. What from the elegance of his household 
and court, as seen by the queen of Sheba \ d. What from 
the services at the dedication of the temple % e. What from 
the accounts given of Solomon's wisdom (Qu. 211)? 

211. Solomon' s wisdom. — a. Great and widely appreciated 
(1 Ki. x. 23-24, xi. 41, v. 7, 12, 2 Chron. ix. 22-23, Neh. xiii. 
26). b. Included literary and scientific culture and learning 
(1 Ki. iv. 29-34). c. And mental acuteness, evinced in deal- 
ing with hard questions (1 Ki. x. 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 2 Chron. ix. 
1,2, 3, 5, 6, 7). d. And practical shrewdness in affairs (1 
Ki. iii. 9, 11, 12, 28, ii. 6, 9, 2 Chron. i. 10-12.) e. And 
much of moral and spiritual purpose (ibid). /. But so far 
falling short of the highest wisdom, that Solomon was par- 
tially a failure. (1 Ki. xi. 3-9, JSTeh. xiii. 26, etc). 

212. Organization of the public service. — a. "Servant" is 
used for citizens of all grades, from cabinet minister to private 



57 

person (e. g. 1 Ki. x. 5, 8, v. 9 [23], b. "Head" is used 
similarly (1 Ki. viii. 1, 2 Chron. v. 2, i. 2). c. The terms 
nasi (prince), shoter (officer), and judge and elder (2^Chron. 
1, 2, v. 2, 1 Chron. xxiii. 4, xxvi. 29, xxvii. 1, 2 Chron. v. 2, 
4, 1 Ki. viii. 1, 3). <i. Two classes of "superintendents," 
rttsibhim, nitsabhim, m^nats'him: first, commissary superin- 
tendents (1 Ki. iv. 5, 7, 19, 27 [v. 7]); second, superinten- 
dents of forced labor (1 Ki. v. 16 [30], ix. 23, 2 Chron. viii. 10, 
ii. 2, 18 [1, 17]). e. Captains, sarim, of the ordinary varie- 
ties, the captain of the host, captains of thousands, hundreds, 
etc., captains of warriors, of chariots, of the bodies of men 
engaged in the temple service, etc. /. Two special kinds of 
sarim : first, the superintendents of forced labor (1 Ki. v. 16 
[30], ix. 23, 2 Chron. viii. 10) ; second, heads of departments 
(1 Ki. iv. 2-6), including departments of record, of war, of 
worship, the commissary department, that of the household, 
and that of forced labor. 



LECTURE XXVI. 
Questions Touching Solomon's Reign, Continued. 

213. Numerical discrepancies. — a. 1,400 chariots and 
12,000 horsemen (1 Ki. x. 26, 2 Chron. i. 14) ; compare " 40,000 
uroth of horses for his chariot ' (1 Ki. iv. 26 [v. 6] ), and 
"4,000 uryoth of horses and chariots" (2 Chron. ix. 25), the 
12,000 horsemen being mentioned in all four places, b. 250 
superintending captains (2 Chron. viii. 10), and 550 (1 Ki. ix. 
23), and 3,3u0 (1 Ki. v. 16 [30]), 3,600 leaders (2 Chron. ii. 2, 18 
[1, 17] ). c. 420 talents (1 Ki. ix. 28), and 450 (2 Chron. viii. 
18). 

214. The national worship. — a. Where was the ark, before 
and after the dedication of the temple (2 Sam. vi. 17, 2 Chron. 
i. 4, etc., 1 Ki. viii. 1-9, 22, etc.) ? b. Same question as to the 
tent that Moses made, and its altar and furniture ( 2 Chron. 
I 3, 5-6, 13, 1 Chron, xvi. 39, vi. 32, ix. 19, 21, 23, xxiii. 32 



58 

2 Chron. v. 5, 1 Ki. iii. 4-5, ix. 2, etc., ii. 28, 29, BO, i. 39) % c. 
The high-place worship before and after the building of the 
temple (1 Ki. iii. 2, 3, 4, 1 Chron. xvi. 39, xxi. 29, 2 Chron. i. 
3, 13, 1 Ki. xi. 7-8)1 d. The three great feasts (1 Ki. ix. 25, 
viii. 2, 65, 66, 2 Chron. viii. 12-1(5, vii. 8-10) ( e. Is there pen- 
tateuchal authority for the temple music and song, its gate- 
keepers, the public prayer at the dedication, etc.? 

215. Additional legal guest ions. — a. Solomon's horses and 
Deut. xvii. 16 ? b. The cities of refuge and the cases of Ado- 
nijah and Joab in 1 Ki. ii, cf . Ex. xxi. 14 ? 

216. Prophets in the time of Solomon. — Nathan, Solomon, 
Asaph, Heman, Jeduthun, Ethan, Shemaiah, Ahijah, Jedo, 
wrongly spelled Iddo (concordance). 

217. Scriptures. — How are the following, in their produc- 
tion and contents, related to the times of Solomon : the hex- 
ateuch ; Judges, Ruth and Samuel (1 Chron. xxix. 29) ; Prov- 
erbs ; Job ; Canticles ; Ecclesiastes ; certain of the Psalms \ 

218. Messianic ideas. — a. The temple for mankind, and not 
for Israel only (1 Ki. viii. 41-43). b. The eternal throne of 
David (1 Ki. ii. 45, 33, viii. 25). c. The temple building is 
constantly connected with the great promise to David (1 Ki. 
v. 3-5 [16-18], viii 15 21, 24-26, etc., cf. 2 Sam. vii). 

219. Elements of disintegration. — a. Religious defection 
(1 Ki. xi. 1-13). b. Hadad (14 22). c. Rezon (23-25). d. Jero- 
boam (26-40). 

220. The disruption.— a. Sketch it (1 Ki. xii. 1-24, 2 Chron. 
x. 1-xi. 4). b. Additional particulars from the addition to 
the Septuagint at 1 Ki. xii. 24. 

221. Certain time elements in the disruption — a. The addi- 
tion to 1 Ki. xii says that Jeroboam married in Egypt after 
the death of Solomon, and remained there till after the birth 
of his son ; whether one year or many years it does not say. 
b. The breaking up of such an empire may have taken place 
suddenly, but is more likely to have occupied considerable 
time. c. The statement that Rehoboam was 41 years old at 
his accession (2 Chron. xii, 13, 1 Ki. xiv. 21) contradicts the 



59 

impression made by the account (1 Ki. xii. 6-14) that he was 
then an inexperienced young man, and the explicit statement 
to that effect (2 Chron. xiii. 7). The discrepancy cannot be 
remedied by amending the text, and reducing the numeral, 
for that will render several of the numerals for the succeeding 
kings absurd. The addition to the Septuagint says that Re- 
hoboam was sixteen at his accession. The hypothesis that he 
was sixteen at the death of Solomon, and forty-one when the 
separation became an accomplished fact, is worthy of careful 
consideration. 



LECTURE XXVII. 
Dynasties or Jeroboam and Baasha. 

222. A new block of the chronology. — Leaving one full page 
blank, enter at the head of your middle column the letters A. 
Di. (Anno Discidii. the year of the Disruption), and fill the 
column for four pages. 

223. Regnal years.— a. Write in the column to the left the 
years of Jeroboam (1 Ki. xiv. 20). b. In the column to the 
right the years of Rehoboam (xiv. 21). c. The years of Abi- 
jam. making his first year correspond to the eighteenth year 
of Jeroboam (xv. 1-2). d. The years of Asa, making his first 
year begin at the close of the twentieth year of Jeroboam (xv. 
10, 9). e. In the column to the left the years of Nadab, mak- 
ing his first correspond to the second of Asa (xv. 25). /. 
The years of Baasha, his first beginning at the close of the 
third of Asa (xv. 33). g. The years of Elah, his first being 
the twenty sixth of Asa (xvi. 8, 10). 

221. Other dated events. — a. Apostacy of Rehoboam (2 
Chron. xi. 17, xii. 1). b. Invasion by Shishak (1 Ki. xiv. 
25, 2 Chron. xii. 2) c. Ten years of quiet (2 Chron. xiv. 1 
[xiii. 23]).- d. Great religious gathering (xv. 10). e. Final 
defeat of Zerah (xiv. 15, xv. 10-11). f. The invasion by Ze- 
rah (xiv. 9). g. War with Baasha (xv. 19, xvi. 1, assuming 
that these count from the accession of Rehoboam. 



60 

225. Variant dates. — a. Perhaps the two last mentioned. 
b. The Sept. (Vat. copy) dates the accession of Asa the 
twenty fourth year of Jeroboam. 

226. Sketch the history for this period. — a. Events com- 
mon to the two kingdoms, b. Separate events in the north- 
ern kingdom, c. In the southern. 

227. Jeroboam's religion. — a. It was worship of Yahweh, 
whether of other gods or not. b. The accounts represent it as 
wrong : first, because it was idolatrous ; second, because its 
priesthood was non-levitical (2 Chron. xiii. 9, 10, 1 Ki. xii. 
31) ; third, because its priesthood was unworthy (1 Ki. xiii. 
33) ; fourth, because its sacred year and its details of worship 
diifered from those which Yahweh had prescribed (1 Ki. xii. 
32, 33, 2 Chron. xiii. 9-11); fourth, because its sanctuaries 
were high places, and not the one national sanctuary (1 Ki. xii. 
26-27, 31, etc.). c. The accounts represent that the proper 
course for the northern Israelites was to worship at Jerusalem 
(1 Ki. xii. 27, xiii. 1-4, xv. 17, 2 Chron. xi. 13-17, etc.), 
though, in the circumstances, Yahweh might accept sacrifices 
offered elsewhere. 

228. Religion in the southern kingdom. — The accounts re- 
present that Judah had the national sanctuary, the law, and 
the elaborate public service, and ought to have been faithful, 
but was far from it. 

229. Prophets. — a. Shemaiah, Ahijah, Jedo (2 Chron. ix. 
29, 1 Ki. xiii, Jos. Ant. VIII. ix), Oded, Azariah, Hanani, 
Jehu. Make a sketch of each. b. Had these any hand in 
writing our scriptures % 



LECTURE XXVIII. 

The Eaely Assyrian Period. 

230. Its duration. — The time when Shalmenaser II of 
Assyria and his next successors came into contact with 
Israel. It covers the dynasties of Omri and of Jehu. See 
histories of Assyria, and articles on ''the Black Obelisk," 



61 

For accounts of inscriptions, etc., see my notes in Butler's 
Bible Work, vol. vii., p. 44 sq., and Old and New Testa- 
ment Student, Sept., 1885, p. 25 sq., Jan., 1888, p. 154 sq. 
231. The principal sources for oriental chronology. — The 
list is taken, with slight changes, from Butler's Bible Work, 
vol. vii., p. 43. a. The biblical numerals, b. The history 
contained in the Bible, often throwing light on the numerals, 
c. The Assyrian Eponym Caoon, a list of officers, one officer 
for every year, containing, in the imperfect copies now known, 
about 265 names, in a series backward from B. C. 647. The 
existing copies date, perhaps, from a time before the down- 
fall of Assyria. There are some slight discrepancies, but the 
canon is in a high degree trustworthy. Some copies have 
historical notes appended, and these are not always confirmed 
by the other Assyrian records. Translations may be found in 
Smith's Assyrian Canon, in Records of the Past, new series, 
vol. ii., in Schrader, vol. ii., in the Assyrische Lesestucke of 
Professor Friedrich Delitzsch, and in other works, d. Assyr- 
ian records, variously throwing light on the canon. Among these 
are annals of Shalmaneser II, Sargon, Sennacherib, Esar-had- 
don, Assur-bani-pal, and other kings, giving date J accounts of 
their exploits, year by year ; and other accounts less well da- 
ted, of Tiglath-pileser III and others, e. Ancient Babyloni- 
an documents, especially what may be called, in a general 
way, the Babylonian Chronicles, written in the Persian per- 
iod or earlier, including lists of kings, with the years they 
reigned, other lists with dated records of exploits in the reign 
of each king, and the so-called "synchronous history" of 
Babylonia and Assyria. These documents carry the chronol- 
ogy back to a very early date, but they are so marred at vari- 
ous places as to break up the continuity of it Translations 
may be found in the new series of the Records of the Past, 
vols, i, iv, v. /. The Canon of Ptolemy, a list of Grecian, 
Persian and Babylonian kings, with the years of their reigns, 
back to 747 B. C. Made after Christ by an Alexandrian astron- 
omer, and undervalued in the Ussher chronology, but now 
certainly known to be correct. The part of it that belongs to 



62 

the Assyrian and Babylonian periods may be found in Smith's 
Canon and in Records of the Past, new series, vol. i. g. 
Calculated eclipses, especially an eclipse of the sun. B. C. 763, 
the tenth year of Assur-daan, king of Assyria, h. Certain 
" long numbers."' See notes on A. Di. 241, 265, 361, 390, 396. 
232. Where to find these sources. — The various popular 
books based upon them, however excellent, are of little use 
for our purposes. We need to go nearer the original sources. 
The following are accessible, and constitute a fairly good 
working library : 

Records of the Past, old series. Twelve small volumes. 
Samuel Bagster & Sons, London. Records of the Past, new 
series. Six small volumes. Same publishers. George Smith's 
Assyrian Canon. George Smith's Assyrian Discoveries. 
Schrader's Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament. 
A set of the Transactions and a set of the Proceedings of 
The Society of Biblical Archaeology. A large amount of ad- 
ditional material is to be found in volumes and in journals 
of learned societies and other periodicals. See also Mc Curdy, 
History, Prophecy, and the Monuments. Also Lect. XXXYI. 



LECTURE XXIX. 
The Dyxasty of Omri. 

233. Regnal years. — a. Enter the years of Omri, making his 
twelfth year correspond to the 38th of Asa (1 Ki. xvi. 23, 29). 
b. The years of Ahab, making his first correspond to the 38th 
of Asa (ibid), c. The years of Jehoshaphat, making his first 
begin at the close of the fourth of Ahab (xxii. 41-42). d. Of 
Ahaziah of Israel, making his first year the same with the 17th 
of Jehoshaphat (xxii. 51). e. Of Jehoram of Israel, making 
his first year the same with the 18th of Jehoshaphat (2 Ki. 
iii. 1). f. Of Jehoram of Juclah, his first yeac being the same 
with the fifth of Jehoram of Israel (2 Ki. viii. 16). g. Enter 
Ahaziah "f Judah, his year being The twelfth of Jehoram of 
Israel (2 Ki. viii. 25), beginning at the close of the eleventh of 
Jehoram (ix. 29, cf. 2 Chron. xxi. 19, Hebrew.) 



63 

234. Coreigrts and variants. — a. Ahaziah of Israel was co- 
regnant with Ahab, reigning alone but a few weeks or a few 
months ; and Jehoram of Jndah was fonr years coregnant 
with Jehoshaphat. b. According to 2 Ki. i. 17, Jehoram of 
Judah had a previous coregnancy with Jehoshaphat, corres- 
ponding in time with Ahaziah' s reign, and ceasing apparently, 
with the death of Ahab, and the beginning of Jehoshaphat' s 
reformation (2 Chron. xix). Enter these two years, provi- 
sionally, in colored ink, and notice how they fit the facts in 
the case. c. In yonr columns, the first of Omri's 12 years is 
the 27th of Asa. But his reign is said to have begun the 31st 
of Asa (1 Ki. xvi. 23). Josephns says, the 30th of Asa. It is 
natural to think that this indicates the first year of his acces- 
sion after the death of Tibni (1 Ki. xvi. 21-22). Therefore, in 
colored ink, note, provisionally, four years for Tibni as Omri's 
rival, d. Some copies of the Septuagint (1 Ki. xvi. 28) make 
Jehoshaphat begin the 11th of Omri, and Ahab the second of 
Jehoshaphat. Enter this in colored ink, as a coreign of Asa 
and Jehoshaphat. 

235. Additional dated events. — a. Birth of Jehoshaphat 
(1 Ki. xxii. 41-42). b. Of Jehoram of Judah (2 Ki. viii. 16-17.) 
c. Of Ahaziah of Judah (2 Ki. viii. 25-26, ix. 29). d. Mar- 
riage of Jehoram and Athaliah (2 Chron. xviii. 1 cf. 1 Ki. 
xxii, 2 Chron. xxii. 1, 2, xxi. 6, 2 Ki. viii. 18, 25-26, etc.) d. 
Of Ahab and Jezebel (1 Ki. xvi. 31). e. The forming of the 
alliance with Tyre. f. The conquest of Moab. The Moabite 
stone says that Omri and his dynasty oppressed Moab 40 
years (2 Ki. i. 1). g. Pounding of Samaria (1 Ki. xvi. 23-24). 
h. Asa's disease (1 Ki. xv. 23, 2 Chron. xvi. 12). i. Jehosha- 
phat' s teaching mission (2 Chron. xvii 7-9). j. Second de- 
feat of Benhadad (1 Ki. xx. 22-43, xxii. 1-2), and 3 years of 
peace, k. First defeat of Benhadad (1 Ki. xx. 1-22). /. Re- 
volt of Mesha (2 Ki. i. 1). m. Jehoshaphat's judging mission 
(2 Chron. xix). n. Great invasion (2 Chron. xx and perhaps 
Ps. lxxxiii). o Defeat of Mesha (2 Ki. iii). p. Revolts and 
disturbances [2 Ki. viii. 20-22, vi, vii, 2 Chron. xxi.8-xxii.l) ; 
Moab independent (Moabite stone). 



64 

LECTURE XXX. 
Dynasty of Omri, Continued. 

236. Assyrian synchronisms. — Slialmaneser says that in his 
sixth year he defeated Benhadad and Ahab, and in his 18th 
year he defeated Hazael, and received tribute from Jehu. In 
your second left hand column set down the 18th year of Shal- 
maneser opposite the 12th year of Jehoram of Israel (the ac- 
cession year of Jehu), and fill the column backward with the 
years of Shalmaneser, the 25 years of his predecessor, Assur- 
nazir-pal (the king of our slab), the six years of Tiglath-uras 
II, the 22 years of Rimman-nirari II. Add expeditions to 
Palestine in the 2nd, 6th, 10th, 11th, and 14th years of Shal- 
maneser. Read his inscriptions in Records of the Past, old 
series, vols, iii andv, and the extracts in Smith' s Assyr. Canon 
or in Schrader. 

237. The mode of resistance to Assyria. — a. Hegemony 
under Benhadad. b. Thir*ty-two kings (1 Ki. xx. 1, 24); 
kings of the Hittites, etc. (2 Ki. vii. 6). c. Subordination 
versus subjection (1 Ki. xx. 2-9). d. Naaman, and the fact 
that Shalmaneser had to annihilate this confederacy several 
times, e. Note the dates given by Shalmaneser, and the an- 
swering dates of peace, war, or revolt, in the biblical history. 

238. Baal in Israel. — a. Ahaziah, Athaliah, Jehoram, were 
all named for Yahweh. b. The attempt to destroy the wor- 
ship of Yahweh in favor of that of Baal cannot have begun 
before the marriage of Athaliah to the prince of Judah ; and 
it ended before the Syrian wars. Enter the 3 years of 1 Ki. 
xviii. 1, James v. 17. c. There is no reason to think that the 
marriage of Jehoram and Athaliah was at the time unpleasing 
to the adherents of Yahweh in the two kingdoms ; and no 
strong reason against the theory that Ps. xlv was written on 
that occasion. d. There arose a strong Baalite party in the 
southern kingdom, with Jehoram and Athaliah at its head. 
e. Will this and the Assyrian invasions account for the tern- 



65 

porary coreign of Qu. 234b, supposing that coreign to be a 
fact ? 

239. The prophets. — a. Jehu, Jahaziel, Eliezer, Micaiah, 
Elijah, Elisha, the sons of the prophets, prophets by the hun- 
dred, b. Elisha was active, and promised the Shunamite's 
son, before the persecutions began (2 Ki. viii. 1-3 cf. iv. 13, 
18). Enter this promise and the seven years of famine, among 
the dated events, c. The career of Elisha as a miracle 
worker, d. The careers of Elijah and Elisha as political 
leaders, e. The slaughter at Carmel (1 Ki. xviii), and the 
tearing of the boys, and the fire from heaven (2 Ki. i, ii. 24) 
are to be judged by the ethics of war. 

240. The external history. — Sketch it. 



LECTUKE XXXI. 
The Dynasty of Jehu. 

241. Chronological standard. — a. Extend your column A. 
Di. to 225 years, b. In the Assyrian column complete the 35 
years of Shalmaneser II, and enter the 13 years of Samas-rim- 
man, and the 29 of Rimman-nirari III (see Smith's Assyr. 
Canon. 

242. Regnal years. — a. Enter the years of Jehu, his first 
year being 91 A. Di. (2 Ki. x. 36). b. Of Athaliah, her first be- 
ing the first of Jehu (xi. 3). c. Of Jehoash of Judah, his first 
being the 7th of Jehu (xii. 1). d. Of Jehoahaz, his first being 
the 23rd of Jehoash (xiii. 1). e. The coreign of Jehoash of 
Israel, 37th year of Jehoash of Judah (xiii. 10). /. The years 
of Jehoash, following the 17 of Jehoahaz. g. Of Amaziah, his 
first being the second of Jehoash (xiv. 1-2). h. Of Jeroboam 
II, his first being the 15th of Amaziah (xiv. 23). i. 
Of Uzziah, his first being the 27th of Jeroboam (xv. 1-2). 
,;. The six months of Zechariah, in the 38th year of Uzziah 
(xv. 8). k. The 30 days of Shallum, in the 39th year of Uz- 
ziah (xv. 13). I. The years of Menahem, his first beginning 
at the close of the 39th of Uzziah (xv. 17). 



m 

243. Variants. — The apparent contradictions with the As- 
syrian chronology will be considered later. The Ussher chron- 
ology gets rid of the interregnum between Amaziah and Uz- 
ziah by pushing back the accession of Jeroboam II eleven 
vears, making him for that time coregnant with his father. 

244. Other dated events. — a. Overthrow of the dynasty of 
Omri ; sketch it in detail, b. Shalmaneser, 21st year, con- 
quers Hazael again, c. Samas-rimman, first year, subdues a 
great revolt. d. Second and third years, Assyrians at the 
Mediterranean. e. Temple repairs pushed (2 Ki. xii. 6). /. 
About the 1 7th of Jehoahaz, Hazael reduces Israel low. takes 
Grath, attacks Jerusalem (2 Ki. xiii. 1-9, xii. 17-18, 2 Chron. 
xxiv. 23-25. g Eimman-nirari's expedition to Manzuat, near 
the plain of Jezreel (Assyr. Canon), his lot*! year. This was 
probably the expedition when he took tribute from all the re- 
gion, and crushed Mariha of Damascus (Canon, p. 115, Mc 
Curdy, p. 298). //. Jehoash beats Benhadad (2 Ki. xiii. 24- 
25). i. Amaziah beats Edom (2 Ki. xiv. 7, 2 Chron. xxv. 5 
16). j. Jehoash captures Jerusalem (2 Ki xiv. 8-14, 2 Chron 
xxv. 17-24). k. The prosperity under Jeroboam and Uzziah 
(2 Ki. xiv. 21-xv. 7, 2 Chron. xxvi). I. Birth of Amaziah (2 
Ki. xiv. 2). m. Birth of Uzziah (xv. 1-2). 

245. External history. — a. Two generations of subjection, 
humiliation, and misfortunes to the northern kingdom (see 
references above, and 2 Ki. x. 32, xiii. 20, andMoabite stone), 
and in a less degree, to the southern, b. Large prosperity in 
the times of Jeroboam and Uzziah. c. Sketch the events. 

246. Nature of the prosperous situation. — a. Not one of 
hostility between the two kingdoms, b. Not procured by 
tribute to Assyria. c. Made possible by a temporary failure 
of the power of Assyria, after Assyria had broken Damascus. 
d. The extensive dominion of Jeroboam was little more than 
a headship over confederated peoples, e. To this Uzziah pre- 
sumably succeeded after the death of Jeroboam. 

247. Prophets. — Zechariah son of Jehoiada (2 Chron. xxiv. 
20). Joel (Qu. 244 f). Obadiah (Qu. 244. i). 



67 

LECTURE XXXTI. 
The Middle Assyrian Period. 

248. Its duration. — It includes the time when Tiglath- 
pileser III and his next predecessors and his successor, 
Shalmaneser IV, were in relations with Palestine. 

249. Regnal years, a. Extend your column of years A. Di. 
to 400. b. Enter the years of Pekahiah, his first being the 
50th of Uzziah (2 Ki. xv. 23). c. The years of Pekah, his first 
being the 52nd of Uzziah (xv. 27.) d. The years of Jotham, 
his first being the second of Pekah (xv. 32-33). e. The years 
of Ahaz, his first beginning at the close of the 17th of Pekah 
(xvi. 1-2). /. Of Hosliea, his first year beginning at the close 
of the 12th of Ahaz (xvii. 1). g. Of Hezekiah, his first begin- 
ning at the close of the 3rd of Hoshea (xviii. 1-2, 9, 10). h. Of 
Manasseh (xxi. 1). i. Of Amon (xxi. 19), his 2 years being 
the last of Manasseh and the first of Josiah. j. Of Josiah 
(xxii. 1). k. Of Jehoiakim (xxiii. 36). 

250. The Canon of Ptolemy.-^ a. Look it up in books of ref- 
erence, those mentioned in Qu. 231, or others, b. Rule an ad- 
ditional column to the left, and head it C. of Pt. c. Enter 
the first year of Nebuchadnezzar, to correspond with the 4th 
of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxv. 1, Jos. Ant. X. vi. 1). d. Backward 
from this enter JSTabopalassar 21 years, Isiniladanus 22, Saos- 
duchinus 20, Esar-haddon 13, interregnum 8, Mesesmordakus 
4, Iregibelus 1, Apronadisus 6, Belibus 3, interregnum 2, Sar. 
gon 5, Merodach-baladan 12, Illulaeus 5, Porus 5, Nabius 2, 
Nabonassar 14. 

251. Assyria7i synchronisms. — In your Assyrian column en- 
ter the 13 years of Esar-haddon parallel to those in the canon 
of Ptolemy, and backward from this Sennacherib 24 years, 
Sargon 17. Shalmaneser IV 5, Tiglath-pileser III 18, Assur- 
nirari II 10, Assur-daan III 18, Shalmaneser III 10. 

From A. Di. 276 you no longer need your column for Israel, 
and can use it for one of these other lists. 



68 

252. Years of the Christian era. — The first year of Nebu- 
chadnezzar was 604 B. C. Enter this in your second right hand 
column, marking that column B. C, and fill the column back 
through the reign of Assur-daan. 

253. An eclipse. The Assyrian records mention an eclipse 
of the sun the tenth year of Assur-daan. Calculations show 
that it occurred June 15, 763 B. C. 

254. A verified chronology. — -The lists are thus positively 
verified, back to the accession of Assur-daan, 772 B. C. They 
are further verified by many synchronisms of dated events, 
back to the times of Manasseh. Over the events back of 700 
B. C, there is much dispute. If the Assyrian eponym list is 
continuous, it assigns half a century less to these events than 
is apparently assigned to them in the bible. Many hold that 
it is certainly continuous, and that the biblical numerals are 
to be rejected by the wholesale. However, there is no exter- 
nal proof of its continuity for the time between Rimman- 
nirari and Assur-daan, save a plausible conjecture or two. At 
least we need to understand the biblical numbers at their ap- 
parent value, prior to rejecting them, or forming harmonistic 
theories. 



LECTURE XXXIII. 
The Times of Uzziah. 

255. Prophecies of Jeroboam^s time. — a. Jonah, presenting 
a historical situation in which Nineveh, the capital city of As- 
syria, barely escapes utter overthrow, b. Amos, representing 
Israel as wealthy and prosperous, but in unappreciated dan- 
ger from Assyria ; rebuking greed, public corruption, and the 
separate sanctuaries of northern Israel, as well as of Judah. 
In the matter of accumulated wealth (cf. 2 Ki. xv. 19-20), the 
situation requires all the time assigned by the bible for the 
reign of Jeroboam, c. Hosea i, ii. Like Amos, but with the 
perfectly specific proposal that Yahweh's discarded wife, 



Israel, shall now return to him, by the union of the two king- 
doms under a Davidic king (see especially i. 11). 

256. Prophecies of the interregnum? — a. Hos. iii, propo- 
sing that Israel shall remain ''many days" " without king ' ■ 
and without national worship, and afterward return " and 
seek Yah well their God and David their king. ' ' b. Hos. iv-x, 
several prophecies, urging this return to Yah well, and de- 
nouncing the Israelites because, instead of this, they engage 
in intrigues with Egypt aud Assyria, especially with a cerjtain 
king Jareb. 

257. The military greatness of Uzziah. — This cannot well 
be accounted for except on the theory that he was at the head 
of a confederacy ^2 Chron. xxvi). 

258. Assyrian testimony. — The first Palestinian note since 
the time when Rimman nirari was taking tribute from all 
this region (Qu. 244g and Schrader i. 206), is found in two 
much mutilated inscriptions, which are ascribed to Tiglath- 
pileser III, though they do not contain his name, and present 
a situation different from any in his authenticated inscriptions 
(W. A. I. vol. iii, p. 9, nos. 2, 3, Smith Assyr. Discov., 
pp. 275-281, Assyr. Canon, pp. 117-120, Records of the 
Past, old series, v. 45 sq., Schrader under 2 Ki. xv. etc.). 
These speak of certain districts of Hamath and the Lebanon 
country as having turned in revolt to Azariah king of Judah. 
Apparently, also, they speak of a great victory gained over 
the forces of Azariah. They speak of tribute taken from 
eighteen peoples, including Tyre, G-ebal, Menahem of Samaria, 
Damascus Syria. This indicates : a. That there had been a 
period of Assyrian weakness, during which her Palestinian 
dependencies had fallen away. b. That Uzziah was actually 
at the head of a confederacy, c. That there were certain 
great events, not mentioned in the bible, that strongly affected 
the biblical events. 

259. The next group of prophecies. — a. Isa. ii-iv, threat- 
ening a great calamity, and, among other things, bewailing 
the childishness and the incompetence of rulers (iii. 4, 12). 



70 

b. Isa. v, speaking of this calamity as having fallen, so that 
the world of the dead was overfall, but also as still in progress. 

c. Zech. ix-xi, speaking of Hadrach, Damascus, Tyre, Sidon, 
the Philistines (ix. 1-7), of defeat suffered by Judah and 
Ephraim (10, 13, etc.), of captives in Assyria and Egypt (x. 
10, 11), of a general covenant with the peoples, that was bro- 
ken (xi. 10), of a brotherhood between Judah and Israel, also 
broken (14), of cruel shepherds (Menahem, for example?) ill 
using the flock, so that they become ''the most miserable of 
sheep " (7, 15-17, 3-5), of the cutting off of shepherds, and no- 
tably, of k ' the three shepherds in one month " (xi. 8, x. 2-3). 

260. Putting these things together. — Assuming that the re* 
tirement of Uzziah by leprosy (2 Ki. xv. 5, 2 Chron. xxvi. 
16-23) was coincident in time with the revolution by 
which Shallum overthrew Zechariah and was overthrown by 
Menahem, this might well be the cutting off of the three 
shepherds in one month. It left the affairs of Israel and the 
whole brotherhood of x^oples in the hands of inexperienced 
leaders. The result was a great overthrow, and the breaking 
up of the confederacy, the members of it one after another re- 
turning to the Assyrian allegiance Menahem submitted, for 
one. I suppose the overthrow mentioned by the prophets to 
be that mentioned in the Assyrian inscription. 

2G1. The date.— The bible says that the king who took 
tribute from Menahem was Pul, that is Tiglath-pileser. But 
we cannot make the reigns of Menahem and Tiglath-pileser syn- 
chronous, except by rejecting several biblical statements. 
But Tiglath-pileser was a founder of a dynasty, and was 
doubtless a general of the kings that preceded him, and in 
this capacity, he may well have had charge of this affair. In 
one of the inscriptions, an account follows of the events of the 
ninth year of the Assyrian king. Date the overthrow, pro- 
visionally, the eighth year of Assur-daan. That year the 
canon assigns to him an expedition to Hadrach. 

262. Other dated events. — a. Enter with approximate dates 
the prophetic situations and the historical events mentioned 
in the preceding questions, b. The birth of Jotham (2 Ki. 



71 



xv. 32-33). c. Of Ahaz (2 Chron. xxviii. 1, Heb. andVss.). 
263. The history. — Sketch it, for the two kingdoms. 



LECTURE XXXIV. 

Pekah and Hosiiea. 

264:. A variant number. — Can you account for it (2 Ki. xv. 
30)? 

265. Dated events — Enter the following: a. Birth of Heze- 
kiah (2 Ki. xviii. 1-2). b. Tiglath-pileser warring in Baby- 
lonia (accession year and first year) ; at Arpad, 15 miles north- 
east of Aleppo (2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th years) ; regions farther 
north (6th and 7th years) ; hard fighting in Media (8th year) ; 
Armenia (9th and 10th years) : Palestine (11th year) ; Damas- 
cus (12th and 13th years) ; Babylonia (14th year), becoming- 
king of Babylon, c. Deportation from east of Jordan (1 
Chron. v. 6, 26 cf. Jos. Ant. IX. xiv. 1). d. Rezin and 
Pekah invade Juclah (2 Ki. xv. 37, 2 Chron. xxviii. 1-15). 
e. They again attempt invasion (2 Ki. xvi. 5 sq., Isa. vii) ; 
Ahaz seeks help from Tiglath-pileser : Philistine and Edomite 
invasion (2 Chron. xxviii. 17-18). /. Tiglath-pileser in Pales- 
tine ; deportation from the north (2 Ki. xv. 29, Rawlinson iii. 
10, no. 2 and ii. 67, 53-63, Layard pi. 29, 66, 72, cited in 
McCurdyi. 420. Smith's. 4 ssyr. Discov. 284^-286, Rec. of Past 
v. 52, etc.) ; Pekah slain and succeeded by Hoshea (ibid and 
2 Ki. xv. 30). g. Hoshea claims independence, but is reduced 
by Shalmaneser (2 Ki. xvii. 3). 

266. TJie religious situation in northern Israel. — Inter it 
from 2 Ki. xvii. 2, 2 Chron. xxx. 1, 5, 10-12, 18, 21, xxxi. 16, 
etc., and notices in Qn. 268. 

267. Deportations from Israel and Judah. — Draw inferen- 
ces : a. From Qui. 265 bcdf. b. From 2 Chron. xxix. 8-9, 
etc. c. From prophecies mentioned in Qu. 268. 

268. Prophecies. — a. Isa. vi. b. The prophecies summa- 
rized in Isa. vii. 1-9, 10-25, viii. 1-4, 5-8, 11-16. c. First 



72 

prophecies in Micah. d. Zech. xii-xiv. e. Isa. xiii, 1-xiv. 
27. 

269. The history. — Sketch it, up to Hoshea's declaration of 
independence. 



LECTURE XXXV. 
The Late Assyrian Period. Sargon. 

270. Sargon came to the throne B. C. 722, the tenth month 
of the vernal year (McCurcly, §358). Like Tiglath-pileser, he 
was the founder of a dynasty. In each case, the revolution, 
whether it was in itself violent or not, was attended by re- 
bellions in all parts of the empire. Doubtless Sargon was a 
mature man. Probably he was a general of Shalmaneser. For 
the Assyrian literature on Sargon and Sennacherib see Old 
Testament Student, Nov. ,1885, pp. 120, 123, and McCurcly i. 
424. 

271. Assyrian dated events. — a. Sargon captured Samaria 
and reimposed the tribute (accession year) b. Merodach- 
baladan's first year. c. Sargon operates against Samaria, 
Damascus, Hamath, So of Egypt, etc. (second year), d. De- 
portations and importations (3rd to 10th years), e. Expedi- 
tion to Ashdod, 11th year (Assyr. records and Isa. xx). /. 
Subdues Merodach-baladan (12th year), g. First year as king 
of Babylon (13th year). 

272. Biblical dated events. — a. Hezekiah's first complete 
year (2 Chron. xxix. 3). 5. Seige of Samaria begun (2 Ki. 
xvii. 1 sq., xviii. 9 sq.) c. Downfall of Samaria (ibid), d. 
Hezekiah rebels, and smites the Philistines (2 Ki. xviii. 7-8) 
e. Sennacherib's first invasion (Isa. xxxvi. 1, 2 Ki. xviii. 13- 
1G). /. Hezekiah's illness (xx. 6, Isa.). g. Ambassadors of 
Merodach-baladan (xx. 12 sq., Isa.). 

273. Variants. — a. Our numbers as given exclude Shalma- 
neser from any part in the final seige of Samaria. But there 
is another Assyrian account which places the accession of Sar- 



73 

gon two years later, and thus apparently extends the reign of 
Shalmaneser two years (Smith Assyr. Dis., chap. xv. and 
Schrader), and so agrees with 2 Ki. xviii. 9. Against this is 
the Babylonian Chronicle, which says that Shalmaneser died 
in his fifth year. b. Josephus (Ant. IX. xiv. 1) dates the fall 
of Samaria the 7th of Hezekiah. c. If oar dates are correct, 
and if Sennacherib invaded Judali the fourteenth year of Heze- 
kiah, he was then a subordinate of Sargon. 

274. Prophecies. — a Isa. xiv. 28-32. b. Isa. ix. 8-x. 4. c. 
Isa. vii-xii as a whole, d. Isa. xx and other prophecies, e. 
Hosea xi-xiv. /. Micah. 

275. Hezekiah' s reform work. — a. As a whole (2 Ki xviii. 
1-6, 2 Chron. xxix-xxxi). b. What it shows as to the cere- 
monial law (ibid), c. The central sanctuary problem (ibid and 
Isa. xxxvi. 7, 2 Ki. xviii. 22). 

276. The history.— Sketch it. 

277. Special number. — How is the 65 (Isa. vii. 8) to be un- 
derstood ? 



LECTURE XXXVI. 

Late Assyrian Period. The Sargonidje. 

278. Assyrian dated events. — a. Sennacherib fighting in 
Babylonia (1st and 3rd years) ; places Eel-ibni on the throne 
there, b. His great expedition to Palestine, in his fourth 
year; battle <»f Eltekeh ; read this up carefully (Assyr. rec- 
ords, 2 Ki. xviii 17 sq., Isa, xxxvi. 2 sq., 2 Chron. xxxii.) c. 
Babylonia ; the gods carried in flight across the Persian gulf ; 
he makes his son, Assur-nadin-suma king of Babylon (5th 
year, see Taylor Cylinder III, lines 55-57, 63-64, and Nebbi- 
yunus inscr., lines 8-11 [Bee. of Past, i. 40 and xi. 50]). d. 
Operates in the Nipur mountains (6th year), e. Operates 
against Elam and Babylonia, crossing the Persian gulf, and 
bringing back the fugitive gods (7th year). /. Operates with 
great vigor against Elam (8th year) ; in December compelled 
by a storm to return to Nineveh (Taylor Cyl. IV. 75-79, Neb- 



74 

bi-yunus inscr. I. 42-43). g. Elam and Babylonia more for- 
midable than ever, but terribly defeated (9th year), h. The 
Elamites dethrone Assur-nadin suma (11th year). i, Sen- 
nacherib again conquers Babylon and devastates Elam (12th 
year), j. Slain by his son. 24th day of 10th month : insur- 
rection in Assyria to 2nd day of 12th month (Bab. Chron.. cf. 
2 Ki. xix. 37) ; nominal accession of Esar-haddon (24th year). 
k. Early in his reign Esar-haddon operated against Sidon ; in 
undated inscriptions he claims Manasseh and all the neigh- 
boring kings as tributary. /. Sidon finally subdued, oth year 
(Bab. Chron). m. In Egypt, 6th year (Bab. Chron.) n. 
Severe and decisive fighting in Egypt, 10th year. o. At 
death of Esar-haddon, accession of Assur-bani pal in Assyria 
and Saul-suma-yukina in Babylon (Bab. Chron.) ; the gods 
of Accad move from the city of Assur to Babylon : to your 
Assyrian column add 20 years or more for Assur-bani-pal ; 
p. Death of Tirhakah of Egypt, B. C. 664 (Apis-stelae. 
Schrader on Xahum iii. 8). q. Earlier, Assur-bani-pal invad- 
ed Egypt, took tribute from Judah and 21 other kingdoms on 
the way, captured Thebes, after which Tirhakah revolted, r. 
After Tirhakah' s death, Assur- bani-rjal sacked Thebes, and 
subdued Egypt and Ethiopia, s. Some years later, Saul- 
suma yukina fomented reballion among the peoples of Syria 
and the coast, t. The 20th year of Saul-suma-yukina, Assur- 
bani-pal captured Babylon by a terrible seige, and caused him 
to die by fire. u. Later he took vengence on his brother's 
allies, including ultimately the peoples of the seacoast. 

279. Dated Juclaite events, —a. Invasion by Sennacherib 
(Qu. 278b). b. Agriculture resumed (2 Ki. xix. 29). c. Ven- 
geance on Sennacherib (2 Ki. xix. 7, 28, 9, 32-33, 35-37). d. 
Manasseh born (2 Ki. xxi. 1). e. Carried to Babylon (2 
Chron. xxxiii. 11). /. Return and reformation (xxxiii. 13). 
g. Josiah born (2 Ki. xxii. 1). h. Jehoiakim born (2 Ki. 
xxiii. 36). i. Jehoahaz born (xxiii. 31). ;. Josiah begins to 
seek God (2 Chron. xxxiv. 3). k. Begins reform (ibid). I. 
His great passover (2 Ki, xxii. 3 sq., 2 Chron. xxxiv, 8 sq . ) 



75 

m. The long number in Jos. Ant. X. iv. 4. n. Birth of Zede- 
kiah (2 Ki. xxiv. 18). o. Of Jehoiachin (xxiv. 8). 

280. Prophets.— Isaiah ; Nahum (iii. 8-10 and Qu. 278r) ; 
Zephaniah, beginning of Josiah's reign; Habakkuk ; Jere- 
miah (i. 2, xxv. 3, 1). 

281. The external history. — Sketch the principal events. 

282. Assyriological note. — For lists of later Assyriological 
works, see "Assyrian Literature" in Johnson's new Cyclo- 
paedia, and McCurdy, pp. xxiii, xxiv and elsewhere. Of es- 
pecial importance is the Abel-Winckler series of texts now 
being published. 

283. Assyrian long numbers. — a. A tablet of Sennacherib, 
quoting a tablet of Rimman-nirari. as having been buried and 
found again after 101 years {Assyr. Canon, pp. 77, 205). b. 
In Sennacherib's Bavian inscription. (11. 48-50, Rec. of Past 
ix. 21 sq.), he speaks of bringing back the gods that had been 
in Babylon 418 years, from the time of Marduk-nadin-akhi, 
king of Akkad, and Tiglath-pileser king of Assyria, c. There 
are several other instances, going back to earlier times (Bee. 
of Past, new series, iii and v). If the data were more com- 
plete, it is supposable that they might prove that Senna- 
cherib's scribes held the eponym list, as we have it, to be con- 
tinuous. 



LECTURE XXXVII. 
The Babylonian Period. 

284. Chronological standard. — Fill out your column of the 
Canon of Ptolemy with 43 years for Nebuchadnezzar, 2 for 
Evil-merodach. 4 for Neriglissar, and 17 for Nabonidus, and 
extend the columns A. Di. and B. C. to the same limit. The 
Assyrian column is now to be discontinued. 

2S5. Regnal years and dated evtnts. — a. To the years of 
Jehoiakim add those of Zedekiah (2 Ki. xxiv. 18). b. The 
expedition of Pharaoh-necho (2 Ki. xxiii. 29, Jos. Ant. X. 
v ? 1), c ? The three months of Jehoahaz (2 Ki. xxiii. 31). d, 



76 

Daniel and others carried into exile (Dan. i. 1). e. Battle of 
Carchemish (Jer. xxv. 1. 3, xlvi. 1, 2, Jos. Ant. X. vi. 1). /. 
Barnch writes and reads a book of Jeremiah's prophecies 
(xxxvi. 1 sq., xlv. 1 sq.) g. Barnch 1 s book again (Jer. xxxvi. 
9-32). h. Jehoiakim rebels (2 Ki. xxiv. 1, Jos. Ant. X. vi. 
2). *. Daniel expounds Nebuchadnezzar's dream (Dan. ii. 1, 
i. 5, 18). j. Jehoiakim revolts again (Jos. Ant. X. vi. 1). Jc. 
3023 persons deported (Jer. lii. 28). /. Short reign of Jehoia- 
chin ; the great deportation (2 Ki. xxiv. 6-16, etc.) m, Jere- 
miah's letter (xxix). n. His prophecy concerning Elam (xlix. 
34.39). o. Zedekiah's special act of homage (Jer. Ii. 59). p. 
Ezekiel's first prophecies (i. 2). q Jerusalem invested (2 Ki. 
xxv. 1). r. 832 persons deported (Jer. lii. 29). s. Egyptian 
interference (Jer xxxvii, Ezek xxix). t. Fiery furnace 
(Sept. of Dan. iii. 1). u. Jerusalem taken and burned (2 Ki. 
xxv., etc.) v. Gedaliah ; the flight to Egypt, etc. (Jer. xl- 
xliv). iv. 745 persons deported (Jer. lii. 30). x. Nebuchad- 
nezzar, in his 37th year, invades Egypt, y. Release of Jehoi- 
achin (2 Ki. xxv. 27-30, Jer. lii. 31-34.) 

286. The history.— -Sketch, it {Old Test. Stud., June, 1888). 

287. The Israel of the exile. — The deportations by Nebu- 
chadnezzar extended over twenty-four years of time, and in- 
cluded, so far as known, a few T tens of thousands of people, 
at the largest. But from the time of Tiglath-pileser onward, 
the kings of Assyria and Babylonia had been deporting Israel- 
ites of both the northern and southern kingdoms. To all ap- 
pearance, the numbers deported by Tiglath-pileser, Sargon 
and Sennacherib were much larger than by Nebuchadnezzar. 

Weigh the following reasons for holding that the earlier 
exiles, from both Israel and Judah, became mingled with 
those of Nebuchadnezzar, constituting the Jewish people, as it 
has ever since existed, a. The known character of the Israel- 
ites for race-persistence. b. The geographical statements as 
to where -the exiles, from Tiglath-pileser on, were located (1 
Chron. v. 26, 2 Ki. xv. 29, xvii. 6, xviii. 11, Jer. xxiv. 5, 
xxviii. 4, 6, 1. 8, li. 6, Ezek. i. 1, 3, etc.), but also passages that 
represent them as in the north, and as scattered among many 



77 

nations (Jer. xxix. 14, 7, iii. 18, Ezra i. 1, 3, 4, Esth. ii. 5-6, 
iii. 8, viii. 8-17, etc.) c. Jeremiah's testimony that Israel of 
the ten tribes was living in the north, scattered among the 
nations, in his time (iii. 12, 18, xxxi. 4, 5, 6. 8. 9, and very 
many passages), d. His promise that Israel as distinct from 
Judah shall be restored (ibid and xxxi. 18-20, 1. 19, etc.) e. 
The frequent representation that Judah and Israel are dwell- 
ing together in the north country, and will return together, 
the differences between them being effaced (Ezek. xxxvii. 16- 
22, Zech. viii. 13, Jer. xxxi, iii. 18, xxx. 3, 1. 20, li. 5, etc.) 
/. Israel after the exile is in various ways represented to be 
the twelve tribe nation : all the tribes, apocalyptically i^Ezek. 
xlviii, Rev. vii) ; the tribes in general (Ezek. xxxvii. 19, xlv. 
8, xlvii. 13, 21, 22, 23, Mat, xix. 28, Lc. xxii. 30, Actsxxvi. 7, 
Jas. i. 1, Rev. xxi. 12, etc.) ; Judah, Benjamin, Levi, Asher 
(Rev. v. 5, Ezra i. 5, Rom. xi. 1, Lc. ii. 36, Acts iv. 36, etc.). 
g. The number of the Jews, as they appear in Ezra, Nehe- 
miah, Esther, is too great to be accounted for by supposing 
that they were all descendants of those whom Nebuchadnez- 
zar carried away. 

288. Chronological points. — a. The first year of " our cap- 
tivity " (2 Ki. xxv. 27, Jer. Iii. 31, Ezek. i. 2, xxxiii. 21, xl. 
1) is the 11th of Jehoiakim The other numerals in Ezekiel 
(e. g. xxiv 1 cf. 2 Ki. xxv. 1, or xxvi. 1 cf. 2 Ki. xxv. 2) 
count the first year of Zedekiah as the first year. b. 390 
(Ezek. iv. 5). c. 40 (Ezek. iv. 6). d. 130 years, 6 months, 10 
days (Jos. Ant. X. ix. 7). e. 470^ cf. 80 (X. viii. 5, VIII. vii. 
8). /, 514| (X. viii. 4). g. 514i-f-18=532| (XI. iv. 8, some 
copies, cf. VI. xiv. 9). 



LECTURE XXXVIII. 
The Persian Period. Buildixg of Second Temple. 

289. Chronological standard. — Extend your column of the 
C. of Pt. to include the 9 years of Cyrus, the 8 of Cambyses, 
the 36 of Darius Hystaspis, the 21 of Xerxes, the 41 of Arta- 
xerxes Longimanus, the 19 of Darius Nothus, the 46 of Arta- 
xerxes Mnemon, the 21 of Artaxerxes Ochus, the 2 of Arogus, 
the 4 of Darius Codom annus, the 8 of Alexander the great ; 
and extend accordingly your columns A. Di. and B. C. 

290. Extrabiblical sources. — a. 1 Esdras. Remove v. 7- 
73a, and insert it after ii. 15, and it will then at once become 
evident that the book is merely free translation of parts of 
( hronicJes, Ezra, and Nehemiah, with the story of Zerubba- 
bel's victory in debate added. b. Inscriptions concerning 
Cyrus (Rec. of Past, new series, v. 144 sq., Old and New Test. 
Stud, for July and Sept., 1889. pp. 34, 35, 171, and the refer- 
ences given in these). c. The Behistun inscription (Rec. of 
jjast, old series, i, vii). d. Other inscriptions, and the Greek 
historians. 

291. Belshazzar. — The inscriptions mention him as the son 
of -Naboniclus, but say nothing of his being king. Mark his 
reign provisionally, in colored ink. as coinciding with the last 
three years of Nabonidus. 

292. Darius the Mede. — There is no trace of him outside the 
Bible. Provisionally regard him as Cyrus under another 
name, and assign to him two years. 

293. Pseud o-Smerdis. — Otherwise known as Gomates, Bar- 
des, etc. Spoken of by the Greek historians, and in the Be- 
histun inscription. He was on the throne part of the last year 
of Cambyses, and a little while in the first year of Darius. 
Mark him in colored ink. Provisionally regard him as the 
Artaxerxes of Ezra iv. 7, Ahasuerus (iv. 6) being Cambyses. 

294. Dated events, — a. Cyrus conquers Media, 6th year of 



79 

Nabonidus (Rec of Past, new series, v. 159). b. Daniel's 
vision of lion, bear, leopard and fourth beast (vii); c. Of 
ram, he goat, etc. (viii). cl. His prayer for Jerusalem (ix). e. 
His last vision (x-xii, especially x. 1, cf i. 21). /. Belshaz- 
zar\s feast (v) g. Lions (vi). h. Decree for the return (Ezra 
i). i Dedication of altar (iii. 1-6). j. Founding of temple 
(iii. 7-13). k. Work suspended (iv. 17-24). /. Work re- 
sumed (iv. 24, v. 1-2, Hag. i 12-15). m Continued and com- 
pleted (v. 2-vi. 18). n Passover (vi 19-22). o. Five proph- 
ecies of Haggai (i 1, 13, ii. 1, 10, 20) p. Three dated proph- 
ecies of Zechariah (i 1, 7, vii. 1). 

295. Traditional view of Cyrus. — The idea that he was a 
monotheist and an iconoclast, and that the Babylonians and 
their gods suffered extraordinarily at his hands, is mainly de- 
rived by false inferences from prophecy, and is contradicted 
by the inscriptions. 
. 296. The history.— Sketch, it. 



LECTURE XXXIX. 
The Persian Period. Esther. 

297. The historical value of the book of Esther. — Consists 
mainly in the situation presented, and is independent of the 
question whether the story is itself history or fiction. 

298. Dated events. — a. Defeat of the generals of Darius by 
the Greeks at Marathon, B. C. 490. b. Revolt of Egypt from 
Persia, and accession of Xerxes. 486 B. C. (Herodotus Polym- 
nia 1-4). c. He reconquers Egypt, his 1st and 2nd years 
(ibid o-Q). d. Prepares to invade Greece, 2nd to 5th years 
(ibid 7-19). e. His feast, and Vashti deposed (Esth. i, espec- 
ially ver. 3). /. Defeated at Salamis, September of 480 B C. 
('■ Persia" in Ency. Brit.) g. Remembers Vashti (Esth. ii, 
especially 16, 12). h. Mardonius defeated at Platrea, Sept. 
479 B. C. i. Esther taken to the ouse of Xerxes (ii. 16). j. 
Haman casting lots (iii. 7, 12) ; Mordecai's letter sent out 



80 

(viii. 9) ; the days of destruction (iii. 13, viii. 12. ix. 1, 15-19). 

299. Sit nation in Palestine. — For 57 years we have no 
direct information. From the condition of things found by 
Ezra and Nehemiah, we must infer that the history had not 
been one of rapid or uninterrupted progress. 

300 Condition of the Jews out of Palestine. — a. In all lands 
from India to Ethiopia, among peoples of d fferent races and 
languages (iii. 8. 12, 14, viii. 9, ix. 30). b. Very numerous 
(ibid and ix. 6, 15, 16, etc.) c. Many of them rich and influ- 
ential (iii. 9, viii 15, and the whole account), d. Faithful to 
their own laws (iii. 8). e. Receiving proselytes (viii. 17). 



LECTURE XL 
The Persian Period. Ezra and Nehemiah. 

301. Dated events. — Enter the details in each instance, a. 
Ezra goes to Jerusalem (vii. 7-9, viii. 31-33). b. The convoca- 
tion in the rain (x. 9). c. The trying of the cases for marry- 
ing foreign wives (x. 16, 17). d. Nehemiah hears bad news 
(i. 1 sq). e. Goes to Jerusalem, repairs the wall, holds the 
great convocation (ii. 1. v. 14, vi. 15, viii 2, 13, 18, ix. 1.) /. 
Arranges for permanent services, and for bringing inhabitants 
to Jerusal m (x. 32-xi. 2.) 

302. Ezra. — He was probably an old man when he first went 
to Jerusalem ; a typic il " scribe ,: of the law of Israel; a 
proof that many of the Israelites in exile were paying great 
attention to the sacred writings and customs of the nation ; 
but not a success in administration. 

303. Nehemiah. — At the beginning of his career a mere boy, 
a king's page, but with rare administrative gifts ; doubtless 
guiding himself by Ezra's great learning, and by Ezra's views 
of the law ; succeeding w T here Ezra failed. 

304. The condition of Israel. — Ezra found the temple and 
its service in operation, but on a mean and unworthy scale, 
and took up with him trained Levites aud large resources for 



8i 

making it more magnificent. Apparently, he also found Je- 
rusalem fortified, and the Jews with a quasi political exist- 
ence, as one of the subject peoples of the Persian empire. 
But they had given up the zeal which they showed in Zerub- 
babel's time for keeping themselves separate, and had inter- 
married with other peoples. The implication is pretty dis- 
tinct that the Palestine Jews were inferior to the Babylonian, 
in wealth, standing, character, and zeal for the national usages. 
Nehemiah found Judaea in great calamities, probably re- 
sulting from the hostility of the relatives of the foreign wives 
whom Ezra had caused to be put away. 

305. The laiv. — The distinctive feature of the reform made 
by Ezra and JSTehemiah consisted in their enforcing ' ' the law 
of Moses ' ' as the law of the Persian empire for Judaea. It is 
commonly assumed that this law was the pentateuch ; but 
this has very important limitations : a. The accounts make 
no sharp distinctions between the pentateuch and the other 
sacred writings (Neh. ix., e. g.) b. Many of the most import- 
ant matters which they enforced are not in the pentateuch : 
th^ courses of priests and Levites ; singers ; gatekeepers ; 
Nethinim ; public song in the sanctuary service ; public 
prayer ; public fasting ; the place Casiphia ; the prohibition 
of foreign marriages in the form in which they o.sed it, etc. 
c. They made new regulations, suited to the time, but differ- 
ent from any in the pentateuch (Neh. x, e. g.) 

306. Ihe history. -Sketch it. 



LECTURE XLI. 

Persian Period. Second Administration of Nehemiah. 

307. The closing sections of Nehemiah. — The narrative of 
JSTehemiah's first administration closes with xi. 2. Then fol- 
lows a series of genealogical notes (xi. 3-xii. 26). Ail that 
follows belongs to his second administration. And the genea- 



82 

logical notes include certain notices of events in his second 
administration. 

308. Dates for the second administration. — Nehemiah re- 
turned to the king 433 B. C. We have no statement as to 
when he came back to Palestine, or how long his second ad- 
ministration lasted. It is certain, however, that he came 
back within a few years, for Ezra was yet alive (Neh. xii. 36). 
Josephus says that he lived to a great old age, a statement 
probable in itself, and confirmed by all the evidence. Hence 
his second administration may have lasted fifty years or 
more. 

309. The events. — a. The dedication of the wall, the renewed 
provision for the service, and the renewed expulsion of for- 
eigners (xii. 27-xiii. 14). b. Sabbath reform (15-22). c. Re- 
newed struggle against foreign wives (23-30). d. Various 
events (Qu. 310). 

310. The latest event in the genealogical notes. — (1) 1 Chron. 
ix. 2 sq. is in part a duplicate of Neh. xi. 3 sq., and brings 
the events up to the same point with Neh. xi. 3-xii. 26. a. 
Sallu of ''sons of Benjamin" (ix. 7 and xi. 7). b. Same 
priests (ix. 10 and xi. 10-11, ix. 12 arid xi. 12). c. Same 
Levites (ix. 14-16 and xi. 15-17). d. Same gatekeepers (ix. 
17 and xi. 19 cf. xii. 25). (2) In these notes are two lists of 
priests : a. The first contains a table of priests and Levites 
"that went up with Zerubbabel'' (Neh. xii. 1-9), followed by 
a table of the high priests from Jeshu'a to Jaddua (10-11). b. 
The second list mentions two enrollments, the first " in the 
days of Joiakim " (12-21, especially 12, 26a) ; and the second 
"in the days of Eliashib, Joiada, and Johanan, and Jaddua'' 
(22-23). c. The two lists alike terminate with Jaddua, and 
his enrollment in the succession of the high priests is the 
latest event here mentioned. 

311. The date of this latest event. — (1) As the first enroll- 
ment of the second list was in the days of Joiakim, so the 
second was in the days of Nehemiah and Ezra (xii. 12, 26). 
(2) The second enrollment is dated : a. In the days of Elia- 
shib and his three successors (22). This is general. b. "Up 



83 

to the days of Johanan the son of Eliashib v (23). This is 
specific. Although the enrollment includes Jaddua, it was 
made before he became highpriest, for it was % up to the days 
of v his father, c. " Upon the kingdom of Darius the Per- 
sian'' (22). This is most naturally Darius No thus. Efforts 
have been made to identify him with the later Darius, who, 
however, did not come to the throne till after the days of Jo- 
hanan. An enrollment begun under Nothus might have been 
carried forward under his successor, and that is what this de- 
scription necessarily means. (3) This fits the following : a. 
Among the gatekeepers connected with the latest enrollment 
are Talmon and Akkub (xii. 25) who are also named in 1 
Chron. ix. 17 and Neh. xi. 19. b. Among the men in the lists 
common to 1 Chron. ix and Neh. xi are some who were pres- 
ent at the dedication of the wall (Neh. xii. 32-43). (4) The 
beginning of the pontificate of Johanan is traditionally dated 
about 371 B. C, though there are some reasons for dating it 
earlier. The year 371 B. C. is about 73 years after Nehemiah 
first came to Jerusalem, and, as he was then Certainly very 
young, it is not incredible that he was still alive B. C. 371 or 
a decade or two earlier. 

Thus the date we obtain for this latest event is early in the 
fourth century B. C, and within the probable lifetime of Ne- 
hemiah. 

312. The latest event mentioned in the narrative. — "And 
there was a son-in-law to Sanballat the Horonite of the sons 
of Joiada the high priest, and I expelled him from me ' ' (Neh. 
xiii. 28). Josephus says that this son-in-law was Manasseh, 
grandson to Joiada, and brother of Jaddua ; that he became, 
with the aid of the Sanballat family, the founder of the Sa- 
maritan religion ; and that the Samaritan temple was built in 
the time of Alexander the Great {Ant. XI. vii). Here as 
often elsewhere, Josephus is mixed in his chronology, and in 
his identifications of the Persian kings, but is doubtless cor- 
rect in his main facts. 

This latest event of the narrative fits the latest event of the 
genealogical notes (Qu. 310), and explains the one thing that 



84 

there needs explanation, namely, how it came to pass that 
Jaddua was enrolled in the succession of high-priests before 
he came to be high-priest ; for it is natural to think that on 
Manasseh's marriage and expulsion, Jaddua may have been 
formally enrolled in the succession in order formally to ex- 
clude Manasseh. 



THE PROPHETS AND THE PROMISE. 



THE PROPHETS OF ISRAEL. 



Auburn Seminary Elective, Pirst Term, 1895-96, 



LECTURE I. 
Preliminary. 



1. The subject. — This course of lectures treats of The Proph- 
ets of Israel as Described in the Old Testament : the 
men themselves, their surroundings, their personal appear- 
ance, habits, and functions, with other like matters concern- 
ing them. 

2. Sources of information. — The only direct source is the 
Old Testament. The indirect sources are, first, the New Testa- 
ment and other later writings ; and second, analogies drawn 
from other religions or from later times. 

3. Method of study. — The first few minutes of each hour 
will be given to a review of the previous lecture, after which 
the subject in advance will be treated in either a lecture or a 
bible-reading. The principal thing attempted will be to bring 
out clearly what the Old Testament says on the subject in 
hand. In preparing th£ lesson from the notes, all scripture 
references are to be studied, as well as the printed text of the 
notes. At the close of the course, a general review will be 
had, using the test questions printed at the close of the notes. 
There will also be a written examination, in which answers 
will be required to a certain number of these test questions, 
selected by the professor. It is recommended that each 
student, as we proceed, prepare a definitely written answer to 
each of the test questions. 



ORIGINAL STUDY. 



A list of works on the subject is given below. It is required 
that each student read at least one of these works with sufficient 
care to enable him to give a general statement of its contents, 
and an estimate of the Avork, in the final examination. 

4. The need of original study. — To some this programme 
will seem exceedingly simple and rudimentary. They would 
think it a greater thing to read many books, in different lan- 
guages, and discuss the bearing of their contents on the sub- 
ject in hand. But no amount of reading can supersede the 
necessity of examining for ourselves the direct evidence in the 
case. And just this has been more neglected than anything 
else, in dealing with the subject of the prophets of Israel. 
Men of learning as well as others have neglected it. We must 
do this first of all, and do it with care, or all other study of 
the subject will be of little value to us. 

5. The provisionally historical point of view. — The best 
way to put the question is this : What manner of men were 
the prophets, supposing the statements of the Old Testament 
concerning them to be historically correct \ In this provisional 
form, we have a right to proceed with our investigation with- 
out delaying to settle disputed points in regard to the data 
used. And we shall surely test the data as we advance. If 
they are not trustworthy, we shall find it out. If they are 
trustworthy, we shall see them to be so, and shall thus trans- 
form our provisional results into final results. 

6. Reasons for talking an interest in this subject.— a. It 
is important in itself, b. By such a study we test the char- 
acter of the Old Testament as a source of evidence, c. The 
study is important as contributory to Old Testament criticism. 
d. Most important of all, the prophets were the men through 
whom the promise and the doctrine of the Messiah was made 
known in Israel, and to the world. 

7. Works on the subject of the Prophets.— Such works -are 
very numerous. Read with care at least one of the following: 
The article "Prophet 11 in Smith's Bible Dictionary, or that 
in Mc Clintock and Strong's Cyclopcedia ; Stanley's History 
of the Jewish Church, Lectures xviii-xx ; Ihe Prophets of 



TERMS FOR PROPHET. 



Israel, by W. Robertson Smith, with reply by Wm. H. Green 
in the volume Moses and the Prophets ; Old Testament Pro- 
phecy, by Charles Elliott ; Old Testament Prophecy, by Con- 
rad Von Orelli ; Messianic Prophecy, by C. A. Briggs ; His- 
tory, Prophecy, and the Monuments, by J. F. Mc Curdy. 



LECTURE IT. 
The Terms Used in Describing the Prophetic Function. 

8. The English word, prophet. — It is the Greek irpo^Tv^, 
from TTpo and <j>v^L It denotes, not one who speaks beforehand, 
but one who speaks forth, speaks publicly. The prophet, 
however, always speaks for another, ordinarily for Deity. He 
makes known the message which Deity has given him, and 
which would otherwise have remained unknown. The thing 
thus uttered may be a prediction, but the verb prophesy does 
not signify to predict. Look up the matter in Cremer, Thayer, 
Licldell and Scott, the Century Dictionary, Skeafs Etymolog- 
ical Dictionary, etc. 

9. Hebrew ivords for Prophet. — a. Nabhi, from the stem 
nabha. The words of this stem are used in every part of the 
Old Testament, and are uniformly translated prophet, pro- 
phecy, prophesy. The derivation is conjectural, but usage 
shows that the meaning is virtually the same with that of the 
English word. There are some hundreds of instances. See 
concordance. b. Roeh, active participle of the verb raah. 
Translated seer, the verb being the one commonly used for the 
ordinary act of seeing. The terms roeh and nabhi are exchange- 
able, the only difference being in the form of thought. Roeh 
thus used appears in the literature from the time of Samuel to 
that of Isaiah. In Samuel's time, it temporarily displaced 
nabhi as the word of common use. See 1 Sam. ix. 9, 10, 11. 
18, 19, 2 Sam. xv. 27, 1 Chron. ix. 22, xxvi. 28, xxix. 29, 2 
Chron. xvi. 7. 10, Isa. xxx. 10. c. Hozeh, active participle of 
the verb hazah. Translated seer, like the previous word. In 



TERMS FOR PROPHETIC FUNCTIONS. 



the Aramaic, hazah is the ordinary verb for seeing ; in Hebrew 
it is less used, and mainly in cases where insight or thought- 
ful seeing is required. The noun hozeh, denoting a prophet, 
is used from David's time on, and in the later times super- 
sedes roeh (2 Sam. xxiv. 11, 1 Chron. xxi. 9, xxv. 5, xxix. 29, 
Amos vii. 12, Mic. iii. 7, 2 Ki. xvii. 13, etc.). d. The phrase 
"man of God,'' ish elohim or ish ha-elohim, occurs often in 
the Old Testament, as the equivalent of nabhi, and is probably 
never employed except in this use (Dent, xxxiii. 1, Josh. xiv. 
6, and concordance). e. In addition, a prophet is sometimes 
called an "angel" of Yahweh (e. g. Hag. i. 13), or a servant 
of Yahweh, or a shepherd, or a watchman, etc., but these 
terms are properly figures of speech. As to the differences 
between the terms commonly used, see Lecture VIII. 

10. Hebrew words for prophetic functions. — a. The verb 
uablia, and nouns of the same stem, translated prophesy, pro- 
phecy, b. The verb raah in the qal (Isa. xxx. 10, Dan. viii. 2, 
x. 8, etc.) ; in the hiphil (Am. vii. 1, 4, 7, viii. 1, etc.) ; in 
the niphal (Gen. xii. 7, xvii. 1, Ex. iii. 2, 1 Ki. ix. 2, etc) ; 
the nouns mar eh and mar ah of the same stem, translated 
vision or appearance (Ezek. i. 26, 27, viii. 2, 4, xi. 24, Dan. 
viii. 15, 16, etc. Dan. x. 7, 8, Gen. xlvi. 2, 1 Sam. iii. 15, etc). 
c. The verb hazah and several nouns of the same stem, trans- 
lated see, vision, etc (Isa. i. 1, ii. 1, Lam. ii. 14, Am. i. 1, 
Zech. x. 2, Num. xxiv. 4, 16, etc, 1 Sam. iii. 1, 1 Chron. xvii. 
15, etc., Gen. xv. 1, Ezek. xiii. 7, etc), d. "The word of the 
Lord," and occasionally "the word of God." d?bhar yahweh, 
d 1 bhar elohim, $ bhar ha-eloh im. This phrase commonly, and 
perhaps always, describes a message given by God through a 
prophet (Isa. i. 10, ii. 3, 1 Ki. xvii. 2, 8, 16, 24, 1 Sam. iii. 1, 
21, xv. 23, 26, Gen. xv. 1, 4, Ex. ix. 20, 21, etc., 1 Sam. ix. 
27, 2 Sam. xvi. 23). e. Massa, burden, is used to denote a 
prophecy of a certain kind, from the days of Elisha and later 
(2 Ki. ix. 25, Isa. xiii. 1, xiv. 28, xv. 1, xvii. 1, Ezek. xii. 10, 
2 Chron. xxiv. 27, etc). LrProv. xxx. 1, xxxi. 1, the old 
ver. translates massa by prophecy. /. Wttiph, to let drop, 
is used for prophesying in Mic. ii. 6, 11, and is so translated. 



TERNS FOR PROPHETIC FUNCTIONS. 



These instances and Isa. xxx. 10 are the only instances Avhere 
the versions use " prophesy " for any other Hebrew stem than 
nabha. g. The formula " Thus saith Yah well" is commonly 
applied to a prophetic utterance (e. g. Jer. ii. 2, 5, iv. 3). h. 
The entirely different formula u Utterance of Yah wen," n'urfr 
Yahweh. is also in the English versions translated "saith the 
Lord." Jer. i. 8. 15, 19, etc.). These formulas are used hun- 
dreds of times, i. The prophetic gift is by the Spirit of Yah- 
weh (1 Ki. 18:12, Isa. Ixiii. 10, 11, Joel ii. 28,29, 2 Chron. xv. 
1, Num. xi. 25-29. etc). 

11. Degrees of comprehension in the use of these terms. — 
These terms are applied : a. To persons who are better known 
as prophets than in any other capacity, Samuel, Elisha, or 
Isaiah, for example ; but many of these were eminent as 
priests, statesmen, and the like. b. To persons who are better 
known in some other capacity than as prophets ; these we will 
call prophetic men, for distinction's sake. Some of them, as 
Moses the legislator, or David the king, rank very high in, 
prophetic gifts, c. To those who are also called the sons of 
the prophets. d. Perhaps, in secondary senses, to denote 
raving, for example, 1 Sam. xviii. 10. But see also Qu. 26. 



LECTURE III. 

The History of the Prophets. 

12. Divisions. — The New Testament writers count the suc- 
cession of the prophets as beginning, in some sense, with 
Samuel, Acts iii. 24. But they also count the prophets as in 
existence "since the world began" (Luke i. 70, Acts iii. 22, 
vii. 37, Jude 14). This agrees, as we shall find, with the Old 
Testament account. This fact determines the division of the 
history of the prophets. The times before Samuel, though 
many centuries long, form one "period ; the times after Samuel 
are those of the pre-literary prophets, in two periods, and 
those of the literary prophets (meaning those whose names 



PROPHETIC HISTORY 



are attached to the present prophetic books) in four periods. 
We thus have seven periods in all. 

13. First period. — From the beginning to the death of Eli. 
At its close prophecy is represented to have been nearly ex- 
tinct (1 Sam. ix. 9, iii. 1), though not quite so (1 Sam. ii. 27, 
iii. 7-8). It has been inferred that there was no prophecy 
before Samuel, but this inference differs from the representa- 
tions of the bible These are to the effect that the patriarchs 
(not to go further back) exercised prophetic gifts ; that such 
gifts were abundant in the time of Moses ; that they continued 
to be exercised during the time between Moses and Samuel. 

14. The patriarchs u ere prophets. — a. Abraham is called 
a prophet (Gen. xx. 7 cf. Ps. cv. 15, 1 Chron. xvi. 22). b. The 
word of Yah well came to him in vision (Gen. xv. 1, 4). c. 
Yahweh often ** appeared" to him (xii. 7. xvii. 1, xviii. l.etc). 
d. Isaac and Jacob had similar experiences (xxvi.2,24,xxxi.ll, 
xxxv. 9, xlvi. 2 j. 

• 15. Prophetic gifts abounded in the time of Moses. — a. 
In the history, the stem nabha occurs seventeen times, b. 
Moses is spoken of as the greatest of prophets ( Hos. xii. 13, 
Deut. xxxiv. 10, xviii. 15, 18, Num. xii. 6-S, etc.). c. He is 
called "man of God" (Deut. xxxiii. 1, Josh. xiv. 6, Ezra iii. 
2). d. Yahweh appeared to him (Ex. iii. 2. 16). e. He and 
others had visions (Num. xii. 6-8). /. Miriam was a prophet- 
ess (Ex xv. 20). g. Eldad, Medad and others prophesied 
(Num. xi. 25-29). //. It is represented that laws for prophets 
were given, and mention made of prophetic functions, such as 
to show that prophets were something well known in that 
generation (Deut. xiii. 1, 3, o (2, 4, 6), xviii. 15. 18, 20, 22, 
Ex. vii. 1, Num. xxiv. 4, 16, etc.j. 

16. Prophets in the time of the judges.— Deborah (Jud. 
iv. 4 ; the prophet (vi. 8) ; the man of God (Jud. xiii. 6, 8, 10, 
11, 1 Sam. ii. 27) ; the *' appearing" of the 4ngel (Jud. vi. 12, 
xiii. 6, 8) ; the word of Yahweh scarce (1 Sam. iii. 1). 

17. Second period.— That of Samuel, David, and Solomon 
Samuel to the disruption. About 160 years, though the chron- 
ology is disputed. The distinguished prophets and prophetic 



PROPHETIC HISTORY. 



men were Samuel, Gad, David, Nathan, Zadok, Asaph, Heman, 
Ethan or Jeduthan, Solomon, Ahijah, Shemaiah, Jedo. By 
the help of a concordance, look up the history of each. That 
David and Solomon were prophetic men appears from such 
passages as JN"eh. xii. 24, 2 Chron. viii. 14, iii. 1, 1 Sam. xvi. 
13, etc., and 1 Ki. iii. 5, ix. 2, etc. See Acts ii. 30. 

There was a great revival of prophetism (1 Sam. iii. 20, 21, 
contrasted with iii. 1. '' Companies 1 ' of prophets appear 
prominently, 1 Sam. x. 5-13, xix. 18-21. Prophets are com- 
mon (1 Sam. xxviii. 6). The work of David's leaders in music 
is called prophesying (1 Chron. xxv. 1, 2, 3, 5, com p. 2 Chron. 
xxxv. 15, xxix. 30). 



LECTURE IV. 
The History — Continued. 



18. Third period. — That of Elijah and Elisha. From the 
disruption to the death of Elisha, about 135 years, a. Shem- 
aiah, Ahijah, and Jedo survived from the former period (1 Ki. 
xii. 22, 2 Chron. ix. 29, 1 Ki. xiv. 2, etc.) Then followed Oded 
and Azariah, Hanani, Jehu, Elijah, Elisha, Micaiah, Jahaziel, 
Eliezer, the highpriest Jehoiada and his son Zechariah (2 
Chon. xv. 1, 8, xvi. 7, xix. 2, xx. 34, 1 Ki. xvi. 1, xxii. 8, etc., 
2 Chron. xx. 14, 37, xxiv. 20). b. Besides these,. prophets 
were very numerous (1 Ki. xx. 13, 35, xix. 10, 14, xviii. 4, 13, 
xxii. 6, 11, 2 Chron. xviii. 5, xx. 20, xxiv. 19). c. The so- 
called schools of the " sons of the prophets" were nourishing, 
at Jericho, Gilgal, Bethel, etc. (2 Ki. ii-vi, etc.). 

19. Fourth period. — That of Isaiah and his contemporaries. 
From the death of Elisha to the captivity of Manasseh, per- 
haps about 175 years, but 50 years less by the usual interpre- 
tation of the Assyrian chronology. The first group of the so- 
called literary prophets. Distinguished in this group are an 
unknown prophet or two (2 Chron. xxv. 7, 15); Jonah (2 Ki.xiv. 
25) ; probably Joel and Obadiah ; Hosea, Amos, and the 



8 PROPHETIC HISTORY. 

author of Zech. ix-xiv.; the Zechariah named in 2 Chron. 
.xxvi. 5 ; Isaiah ; Oded (2 Chron. xxviii. 9) ; Micah ; Nahum. 
That prophets were numerous is shown by such passages as 
2 Ki. xxi. 10,2Chron.xxxiii.lO,Isa.iii.2,xxx.lO,Hos.xii.l()(ll), 
vi. 5, iv. 5, Am. ii. 11, 12, iii. 7, 8, vii. 12. 13, 14, 15, 16, Mic. 
iii. 6, 7, and from what is said of false prophets (Isa. ix. 15 (14), 
xxix. 10, xxviii. 7, Hos. ix. 7, 8, Mic. iii. 5, 11). The train- 
ing of prophets is mentioned only in Am. vii. 14. 

20. Fifth Period. — That of Jeremiah. From Manasseh to 
the burning of the temple. About 86 years. Jeremiah, 
Zephaniah. Habakkuk, Huldah (2 Chron. xxxiv\ 22). Proph- 
ets are numerous, both true and false (2 Ki. xxiii. 2, 2 Chron. 
xxxvi. 16, Lam. ii. :>, Jer. vii. 25, xiv. 18, xxiii. 9, etc.; Zeph. 
iii. 4, Lam. iv. 13, Jer. ii. 8, 26, with twenty or thirty other 
passages in Jeremiah and Lamentations. 

21. Sixth period. — Prophets of the exile, in Babylonia. 
From the captivity of Daniel to the return under Cyrus, 70 
years, overlapping the fifth period by 20 years. Daniel and 
Ezekiel. False prophets, male and female, were numerous, 
and perhaps true prophets also (Ezek. xiii. 2, 3, 4, 9, 16, 17, 
xiv. 4, 7, 9, 10, etc.). 

22. Seventh period.- — Postexilian. Haggai, Zechariah, Ezra, 
Xehemiah, Malachi. Prophets numerous, with false prophets 
among them (Zech. vii. 3, viii. 9, Neh. vi. 7, 14). Training 
school — not for prophets, but— for temple servants (Ezra viii. 
17). 

23. Close of the succession of prophets.— -With the dying 
out of the men of this group, the succession of prophets is 
held by Jewish tradition to have ceased (Jos. Against Apion I. 
8, 1 Mac, ix. 27, iv. 46, xiv. 41, etc.). It should be noted that 
Nehemiah is certainly represented as having prophetic gifts. 
and that his death and perhaps that of the author of Malachi 
occurred some decades later than the latest dates given in the 
Old Testament, 

Christianity claims that the succession of prophets re-ap- 
peared in the person of John the Baptist. 



LECTURE V. 
The External Appearance of a Prophet. 

24. Baseless current ideas on this matter. — In centuries 
past, Christian people have been accustomed to think of the 
Israelite prophet as though he were a Christian priest or monk. 
Painters have generally drawn his portrait with this idea in 
mind. With this has been combined the idea that the prophet 
was a revealer of hidden things, and was therefore like the 
priests of the Greek oracles. Of late, many have become 
possessed by the notion that the prophet must have resembled 
an oriental dervish, or a fetish man, or a medicine man of our 
American aborigines. We are in danger of being misled, both 
by preconceived notions of this kind, and by our love of the 
picturesque. Hence we need to attend with especial care to 
the evidence in the case. 

25. The alleged prophetic costume.— That the prophets of 
Yahweh wore a special regulation garb is inferred from Zech. 
xiii. 4, Isa. xx. 2, 3, 1 Sam. xxviii. 14, 1 Ki. xix. 13, but the 
passages do not justify the inference. The contrary is fairly 
to be inferred from 1 Sam. ix. 18, 2Ki. i. 7-8, 1 Ki. xx. 38, 41. 

26. Did the prophets rave? — From Jer. xxix. 26, 2 Ki. ix. 11, 
1 Sam. xviii. 10, x. 5-11, xix. 19-24, it is inferred that the prophets 
were characterized by frenzied utterance, but the inference is 
baseless. The statement that Jeremiah was crazy is recorded 
as a slander, and not as a fact ; religious talking was a symp- 
tom in Saul's attacks of mania ; the prophets held religious 
meetings, under the excitement of which Saul went crazy, but 
there is no proof that the prophets acted like crazy men. 

27. The prophets longlived. — In one personal peculiarity, 
the projjhets are represented to have been remarkable — their 
longevity. Moses lived to the age of 120 years (Deut. xxxi. 
2, xxxiv. 7), when the age of manly vigor was from twenty to 
sixty years (Lev. xxvii. 3, 7, and many other places). Joshua 
lived to the age of 110, Jehoiada to 130, while Elisha, Isaian, 
Daniel, and others had very long public careers. 



10 PROPHETIC ORGANIZATIONS. 

28. The absence of external marks noteworthy. — Excep- 
tional prophets, Elijah, for example, were distinguished by 
external peculiarities. On exceptional occasions, prophets 
wore an unusual dress, or practiced special austerities. But 
ordinarily, Moses or Samuel or Isaiah or JS"athan or Daniel are 
certainly presented to us simply as- men among men, citizens 
among citizens. This absence of insignia corresponds with 
the peculiarities in the mission of the prophets which we are 
to study in the following lectures. The human individuality 
of the prophet is emphasized, to the neglect of outward ap- 
pearance, or official character, or other like things. In this 
there is a significant contrast between the religion of Israel 
and other religions. 



LECTURE VI. 
The Educatiox of the Prophets. 

29. Organizations for training.— The records give us some 
details concerning such organizations, at two periods : the 
"companies" of the prophets, in Samuel's time; and the 
associated "sons of the prophets," in the northern kingdom, 
in the time of Elijah and Elisha. For the times earlier and 
later, the records are silent. 

30. The companies of prophets. — Of these we know direct- 
ly only what is recorded in 1 Sam. x. 5-6, 10-13, xix. 18-24. 
Apparently, w r e have here the picture of associated bodies of 
men. under the direction of Samuel, to some extent living in 
communities by themselves, practicing music and concerted 
prophesying, holding out of door processional services, recog- 
nized as a power in the land. Apparently their purpose is 
mainly educational, and judging from the development of 
Israel at the time, they had great influence in promoting 
literature, art. and religion. 

31. The sons of the propheis. — For accounts of these note 
particularly 2 Ki. ii, iv. 1-7, 38-44, vi. 1-7, ix. 1-12, with the 



SECONDARY PROPHETS. 11 

-whole history of Elijah and Elisha, and incidental notices 
elsewhere. They were numerous, were organized at different 
centres, had arrangements for living in common, had married 
men among their number, recognized Elijah and afterward 
"Elisha as their chief, were especially obnoxious to the Baalite 
party in Israelitish politics, promoted the acces ion of Jehu. 
Perhaps they were organizations for religious and patriotic 
work, rather than schools ; but they certaini} 7 had educational 
Value. 

32. Actual prophetic training. — Either within or without 
these organizations, there is reason to hold that the prominent 
prophets had their disciples, some of these permanently at- 
tached to them, looking to them for instruction, in which 
literary and theological studies were included (see references 
in Qus. 17, 31). These followers were regarded as in a second- 
ary sense prophets, and were sometimes so called. 



LECTURE VII. 

The Prophetic Order. 



33. The propriety of the term. — Are we to think of the 
prophet as belonging to an order \ as an ordained man, like a 
Jewish priest or a Christian minister ? In other words, are 
we to think of the priests and the prophets as two orders of 
Israelitish clergymen ? The facts in reply to this are stated in 
the following six numbers. 

34. The succession of the prophets. — The prophets were 
probably an unbroken succession, in the sense that from 
Malachi back to Samuel, and earlier, Israel was never wholly 
without living prophets of Yah well. 

35. The prophet and the priesthood. — Some prophets and 
prophetic men were also priests, Zadok, Jeremiah, Ezra, for 
example. A prophet, not of the priesthood, might be com- 
missioned to perform priestly acts, Moses, for example, Lev. 
viii. 15-30. But there is no trace of any priestly functions 



12 THE PROPHETIC ORDER. 



regularly exercised by the prophets as prophets, and none of 
any official relations between the priestly body and the rjro- 
phetic body. 

36. Was the prophet a graduate/ — The '"sons of the 
prophets ' ' doubtless often became prophets, but there is no 
trace of their having done so as a matter of regular course. 
Probably, however, they were regarded as prophets in a 
secondary sense, and called by the name. When the proph- 
ets are spoken of as numerous, very likely most of them were 
prophets only in this secondary sense. 

37. Ordination. — Elisha. for example, was set apart to his 
special work by some kind of ordaining act ; there is no trace 
of any one's ever having been admitted to be a prophet by 
any such act. That Elisha' s case was exceptional appears 
from its being put on a parallel with the cases of Hazael and 
Jehu (1 Ki. xix. 16. 19. 15-16. 2 Ki. ix. 1-13). 

38. Hon- a man became a prophet. — A prophet became 
such, so far as appears, solely by becoming endowed with 
prophetic gifts : his claim was to be tested by ascertaining 
whether lie had such gifts iDeut. xviii. 21. 22. xiii. 1-5). and 
not by his costume or mode of life or registry of ordination. 
But men might, of course, become secondary prophets by 
merely becoming followers of the prophets whose gifts were 
recognized. 

39. The prophet" s position.— A prophet might be judge or 
king or priest or general or statesman or private person, in 
fine, might occupy any position in the commonwealth : as a 
prophet, he was simply a citizen with a special work to do 
(see Qu. 28). 



LECTURE VIII. 

Modes of Revelattox to the Pkophets. 

40. Their inspiration. — This is represented to have been by 
the Spirit of Yahweh (Num. xi. 25-29. 2 Chion. xv. 1. Joel ii. 
28, 29. Isa. lxiii. 10, 11. 1 Ki. xviii. 12. and concordance). 



MODES OF REVELATION. 13 

41. Modes in which the Spirit communicated with them. — 
These, as presented in the Old Testament, are commonly 
^classified as three : by dreams, by visions, by direct revela- 
tion. But it is more in accord with the statements of the 
bible to recognize four modes, namely, by dreams, by picture 
visions, by theophanies, by visions of insight. 

42. Dreams. — These are recognized as modes of revelation 
to prophets, in such passages as Num. xii. 6, Deut. xiii. 1, 
Dan. i. 17, etc., and in the accounts of the dreams of Joseph, 
Solomon, and others, and of interpretations by Joseph, Daniel, 
etc. 

43. Picture visions. — Where prophetic vision is described 
in terms of the qal, the hiphil, the hophal, or the nouns, of 
the stem raah, the visions seem to be conceived of as presented 
to the physical eye (Qu. 10 b, and Zech. i-vi, etc.). 

44. Theophanies. — Yah well appearing in human form, with 
or without additional miraculous exhibitions ; or Yahweh 
uttering audible words from the midst of miraculous mani- 
festations. Theophany is regularly described by using the 
niphal of raah. See Qus. 10b, 14c, and Gen. xviii, Ex. iii, 
xx, Num. ix. 15-16, Jud. xiii, etc. Theophany differs from 
picture vision in that it is of the nature of a personal inter- 
view, and not of an object lesson taught by emblems. It was 
regarded as the highest form of divine manifestation (Num. 
xii. 6-8, Ex. xxxiii. 9). 

45. Visions of insight. — The words of the stem hazah (Qu. 
10c) are more used in describing prophetic phenomena than 
those from raah. Specifically, they denote mental vision, as 
distinguished from the apparent presentation of objects to the 
natural eye. Thus they are used, to the exclusion of words 
from raah, in the literary titles of the prophetic writings. 
They have a meaning wide enough to include any supposable 
influence exerted by the divine Spirit over the mind of the 
prophet. The terms of this group may be used generically, 
including dreams or picture visions or theophanies as parts 
or as species, or they may be used specifically for a mode of 
revelation which consists in sharpened insight or quickened 



14 TYPES. GENUINE PROPHECY. 

intelligence, as differing from dream or picture vision or 
tkeophany. 
Notice the peculiar instance in 2 Ki. iii. 15. 



LECTURE IX. 
Modes of Utterance by the Prophets. 

46. Emblems and types. — The peculiar modes of atterance 
by the prophets resemble the modes of revelation to them. 
They use emblems or symbols, that is, objects or personal acts 
representing truths (e. g. 1 Ki. xi. 30-31, Ezek. xxxvii. 15-25, 
Isa. xx, Jer. xix, xxiv, xxviii, etc.). The word type is often 
used as a mere equivalent of the word emblem, but properly, 
a type is an emblem of a peculiar kind — a fact or person or 
event embodying a truth, and used as a foreshadowing ex-, 
ample of a greater manifestation of that truth. 

47. Manifold sense. — No utterances of Yahweh's prophets 
have a double sense, meaning thereby an equivocal sense. 
But notice the double meaning in the Hebrew of 1 Ki. xxii. 
6, 12, and in Micaiah's ironical repetition, verse 15. 

Some cases which have been mistaken for cases of a double 
sense are cases where the New Testament uses a prophetic 
passage simply for illustration (e. g. Jer. xxxi. 15 and Mat, 
ii. 18). 

48. Manifold fulfillment. — Within limits, a prophecy may 
have a manifold application, or a manifold fulfillment, with- 
out having a double sense, a. The term generic prophecy, in 
one use of it, describes a prediction which, in applying to the 
whole of a complex event, also applies to some of the parts, 
Mat. xxiv. for example. b. Types and antitypes may occur 
in a series, so that in foretelling parts of the series, the re- 
maining parts are foretold, c. A different form of statement 
is used by those who speak of the successive or progressive 
fulfillment of certain predictions. Or one may say, in these 
cases, that only the final event is foretold, but that this im- 
plies some of the intervening events that lead up to it. (L 



PROPHECY AND PREDICTION. 15 



When the point of a prophecy consists in its enunciating the 
principles on which God acts, the prcphecy may of course, so 
far forth, be made to apply to every case coming under the 
principles. 

Note. — The subject of types is admirably discussed in Dr. Gardiner s Old 
■and New Testaments. Lectures viii-xii; the topics of this lecture are well 
treated in the book of Dr Briggs on Messianic Prophecy. The article 
•" Prophet" in Mc Clintock and Strong's Cyclopaedia is very full. 



LECTURE X. 
The Functions or the Prophets. 

49. The functions indicated by the name. — By the deriva- 
tion of the English word, a prophet is a man who speaks out 
the special message that God has given him (Qu. 8). That 
this is the function of the prophet of Israel is indicated briefly 
in Ex. vii. 1, Num. xii. 6, and more in full in Deut. xviii and 
xiii.1-5, and indeed, in all the passages that we have examined. 
In Deut. xviii he is differentiated from the priest by the fact 
that his message is direct and special, and from those who 
practice magic arts by the fact that his communication with 
God is real 

50. The gift of prt diction. — The prophets had this gift; 
but they were not merely nor mainly predicters of events. 

51. Natural functions. — The functions ascribed to the 
prophets in the records may be arranged in two classes, those 
which do not require the exercise of distinctly supernatural 
gifts, and those which require such gifts. Among the former 
are the following : a. They were prominent as the public men 
of their times. For proof, reflect on what you know of Moses 
or Samuel or Daniel, or of Elijah, Elisha, Isaiah, Jeremiah. 
They were the leaders of the party that advocated a certain 
religious policy on the part of the government, and of the 
party that opposed foreign alliances in every direction, 1 Ki. 
xvii-xix, 2 Ki. iv. 13, Isa. vii or xxxix or xxx, Jer. xxxviii 
or xxxix. 11-14. A biography of the prophets would be a 
history of Israel, b. They were the reformers of their times. 



16 FUXCTIOXS—XATURAL AXD SUPERXATURAL. 



Besides religious questions, they discussed improper divorce,. 
licentiousness, usury, land monopoly, drunkenness and dissi- 
pation, slavery, etc . Mai. ii. 10-16. Jer. v. 7-9, etc.. Nek. v, 
Ezek. xviii. 8. etc.. Isa. v. 7-10. 11-22, Jer. xxxiv. 8-22. c. 
They were evangelistic preachers and organizers, d. They^ 
were the literary men of the nation. Learn -from a concord- 
ance that the bible attributes literary authorship to Moses, 
Joshua, Samuel, Gad. Nathan, Asaph. Heman. Ethan, David, 
Solomon, Ahijah, Jedo, Iddo, Shemaiah, Jehu, Elijah, as well 
as to the so-called literary prophets and their contemporaries. 
e. They were a bond of unity between the two kingdoms. 
Juddean prophets, like Amos and Isaiah prophesied for the 
northern kingdom, and northern prophets. Elisha and Hosea, 
for instance, for the southern kingdom. Am. i. 1. iii. 1, 12, etc., 
Hos. xi. 12. etc., 2 Ki. iii. 14. /. So far as merely natural 
functions go, the bible prophets have their counterparts both 
among devout religious workers in all ages, and among the 
especially gifted men whom God anywhere raises up for 
special purposes in history. 

52. Supernatural functions. — But the bible prophets also 
claim functions that require supernatural gifts — functions that 
differ in kind, and not merely in degree, from those thus far 
mentioned, a. The working of miracles. Elisha, for example. 
b. Revealing secrets by supernatural help (e. g. 2 Ki. vi. 12, 
Dan. ii). c. Foretelling the future (Isa. xli. 22-23, 26. xlii. 
9, xliii. 9, 12, 18, 19. etc.) d. Revealing Yahweh'slaw (Lect. 
XI). e. Teaching the doctrine of the Messiah (Lectures on 
Messianic Prophecy >. 



LECTURE XL 

The Giving of the Law through the Prophets. 

53. The great function of the prophets. — This was the 
transmitting of monotheism in its Israeli tish type to Israel, to 
mankind, and to future ages. The monotheism they trans- 
mitted may be looked at with respect to its contents or its 



THE LAW. 17 

form. With respect to its contents, the chief thing in it is its 
messianic doctrine. In its form, it is an alleged revelation or 
series of revelations from God, commonly described by the 
prophets themselves as "law," torah. Tor ah, when written, 
becomes sacred scripture. 

It is important to get a clear idea of the relation of the 
prophets to the torah, that is, indirectly, to the written 
scripture. 

54. " The law" in the Neiv Testament. — To understand 
the testimony, we need a clear idea of the term "law," as used 
by the witnesses. Prove that, in the JS r ew Testament, "law," 
besides other uses, sometimes denotes : a. The Old Testament 
(John x. 34, xv. 25, xii. 34, 1 Cor. xiv. 21. Kom. iii. 10-19). 
b. The Pentateuch (John i. 45, Mat. vii. 12, and many other 
passages). In view of the fact that the Old Testament includes 
the Pentateuch, can you decide which of these usages most 
prevails? 

55. This double use not peculiar to the Neiv Testament. — 
Prove this from such passages as Josephus Ant. preface, 2 
Esd. xiv. 20-22, 44-46, Bissell's edition, compared with, Jos. 
Cont. Ap. i. 8, etc. 

56. iir The law" in the Old Testament. — Prove the following: 
a. The noun tor ah, law, and its Hiphil verb horah, teach, are 
used exclusively of divine law or teaching. The apparent 
exceptions, all in Proverbs, are not real (Prov. i. 8, vi. 20, 
xxxi. 26). b. They denote any divine message, whether of 
the nature of a requirement or not, given through a prophet 
or prophetic man (e. g. Lev. vii. 37, 38, xxvi. 46, 2 Sam. vii. 
19, 1 Chron. xvii. 17). c. Or the aggregate of divine messages 
and requirements (Ex. xvi. 28, 4, Job xxii. 22, Ps. Ixxviii. 5, 
Mic. iv. 2, lsa. ii. 3, the last four with no article), d. Any 
written prophetic message (lsa. viii. 16, 20 (no article), Deut. 
i. 5, iv. 8, 44). e. The short altar-code of Ebal ; possibly oth- 
«r short documents (Deut. xxvii. 3-8 and Josh. viii. 32, Deut. 
xxvii. 26 and Josh. viii. 33-34, compare Deut. xxxi. 9, 11, 12, 
and Josh, viii, 35. See also 2 Ki. xxiii. 2, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 
30). f. The growing collection of sacred writings, from Moses 



18 THE PROPHET AND THE LAW. 



onward (Josh. xxiv. 26, Ezra vi. 18 and 1 Chron xxiii-xxiv r 
Dan. vi. 5, 10 and Pss. lv. 17, v. 7, 1 Ki. viii. 44, 48, Jon. ii. 
4). g. Possibly any section of this collection, h. Supposably 
the writings of Moses as distinguished from the rest of the 
collection (perhaps, e. g., 2 Chron. xxxiii. 7. 8, 2 Ki. xxi. 8 r 
xvii. 13, Zech. vii. 12, etc.). 

57. The priests and the law. — Since the priests as well as 
the prophets are represented as having to do with the torah y 
some scholars are accustomed to speak of a priestly torah, and 
a prophetic torah, as if the two* differed in their contents. 
There is no ground for this. The representation rather is that 
the priests and prophets had a common body of tor ah, to 
which they stood in differing relations. 

The priests, with the magistrates, were custodians and in- 
terpreters of the torah (Deut. xxxi. 9, xvii. 8-12, 18, 19, 2 
Chron. xv. 3, xvii. 9, Jer. ii. 8, etc.; Lev. x. 11, Deut. xxxiii. 

10, xxiv. 8, Mic. iii. 11, 2 Ki. xvii. 27, 28, etc.). 

58. The prophets and the law. — They are represented as 
teachers of the torah in the different sense that they bring 
from Yahweh the torah which the priests merely administer. 
See most of the instances cited under Q.u. 56, e. g. 2 Sam. vii. 
19, Tsa. viii. 16, 20. See also Neh. ix. 26, Ezek. vii. 26, Lam. 
ii. 9, Jer. xxvi. 1-5. 2 Ki. xvii. 13, Dan. ix. 10, Zech. vii. 12, 
Isa. xxx. 8-11, with Jud. xiii. 8, 1 Sam. xii. 23, Job xxvii. 

11, 2 Ki. xii. 2, Isa. ix. 15, xxx. 20, Prov. v. 13. 

59. The prophets and the scriptures. — There is no dispute 
that the prophets, in a general sense, at least, are the writers 
of the Old Testament books. It follows that they wrote them 
in their capacity of bringers of law from Yahweh. 

60. The seat of religious authority. — The Old Testament, 
tne ]^ew T , and tradition alike represent the word of a super- 
naturally endowed prophet as, next to God, the ultimate 
source of authority in Israel. Tt is on this ground that they 
attribute authority even to such men as Moses and David, 
Acts. iii. 22, ii. 30, Mic. vi. 4, Isa. lxiii. 11, Hos. xii. 10, 13 
(11, 14), and the whole list of passages heretofore consulted. 

It seems to follow that they regard all scripture as of equal 



QUESTIONS. 19 



authority, the Pentateuch having no higher than prophetic 
authority, and no scriptural book having less than prophetic 
authority. 

It seems also to follow that, in special circumstances, the 
word of a living prophet might supplement, or even supersede 
the portions of the law previously in existence. 



Questions for Review. 

i. State the subject of this course of lectures. 

2. What are the sources of information, direct and indirect ? 

3. What is the thing here principally attempted ? 

4. Why is original study needed on this subject ? 

5. The best position to take in regard to the historicity of the Old Testament? 

6. Give reasons for regarding the subject as important. 

7. a. Give a summary of the contents of one of the works mentioned in 
Qu. 7. b. Give an estimate of its value. 

8. Give the derivation and the meaning of the word Prophet. 

9. a. Mention the four designations for a prophet, in Hebrew, b. Give the 
derivation and meaning of nab hi. c. Of roeh. d. Of hozeh. e. How is the 
term " man of God " used? f. How about other terms designating a prophet? 

10. a. Mention the different groups of words used to denote prophetic func- 
tions, b. In particular, how is the niphal of raah used ? c. How about " the 
word of the Lord " ? d. What is a "burden " ? 

11. a. The degrees of extent in which these terms are used? b. The dis- 
tinction between prophets and prophetic men ? 

12. a. The periods into which the history of the prophets is divided ? b. The 
reason for this division ? 

13. Did prophecy begin with Samuel ? 

14. Prove that the patriarchs were prophets. 

15. a. Mention instances of prophecy in the time of Moses, b. Sow abund- 
ant were prophetic gifts at that time ? 

16. What information have we as to prophets in the time of the judges? 

17. a. Distinguish the second period in prophetic history, b. Mention the 
distinguished prophets of the period, c. How about the numbers of the 
prophets ? d. Their organizations ? 

18. The third period : a. How distinguished ? b. Its great prophets ? c. The 
numbers of the prophets ? d. Their organization ? 

19. The fourth period : The same questions. 

20. The fifth period : The same questions. 

21. The sixth period ? 

22. The seventh period ? 

23. Tell about the closing of the succession of prophets. 

24. a. How about the pictures of the prophets that many have in mind ? b. 
Account for this. 



20 QUESTIONS. 



25. a. The alleged proof that the prophets wore a distinctive costume? b. 
The truth in the case ? 

26. a. Proofs of frenzied utterance ? b. Is the proof sufficient ? 

27. How about the longevity of the prophets ? 

28. How about the significance of this absence of outward insignia ? 

29. Mention the two forms of prophetic organizations. 

30. Give an account of the "companies " of prophets. 

31. Give an account of the " sons of the prophets." 

32. Who were the secondary prophets? 

33. The meaning of the term " the prophetic order " ? 

34. In what sense were the prophets a succession ? 

35. How were the prophets related to the priesthood ? 

36. How to the so-called schools of the prophets ? 

37. Was the prophet ordained ? 

38. How did a man become a prophet ? 

39. What was the prophet's position in the community ? 
"40. The source of prophetic inspiration? 

41. a. The usual statement as to modes of revelation? b. The preferable 
statement ? 

42. Prove that the}* had revelations by dreams. 

43. a. What is here meant by picture-visions ? b. Denoted by what Hebrew 
words? c. Give instances. 

44. a. Define theophany. b. The technical Hebrew verb for it. c. Give 
instances, d. How does theophany differ from picture vision? e. Its rank 
among forms of revelation ? 

45. a. How about possible modes of revelation in addition to those already 
mentioned ? b. The use of the words of the stem hazahl 

46. What are types? 

47. a. Have any of the prophecies a double sense ? b. Mention and explain 
some instances of apparent double sense, 

48. Mention several forms of the doctrine of manifold fulfillment. 

49. a. Etymologically, what is a prophet ? b. According to Deut. xviii, how 
does he differ from a priest ? c. How from a practicer of magic arts ? 

50. Prophecy and prediction, how related? 

51. a. Give some facts m regard to the prophets as the public men of their 
times, b. As reformers, c. As evangelists, d. As literary men. e. In then- 
relations to the two kingdoms, f. Herein are the Hebrew prophets alone ? 

52. a. Their supernatural functions? b. In these are they peculiar? 

53. a. What is the great prophetic function ? b. Its two chief branches ? 

54. The two uses of the term " law " in the New Testament ? 

55. In the literature nearest the New Testament times ? 

56. The uses of the term in the Old Testament? 

57. What had the priests to do with the law ? 

58. What had the prophets to with the law? 

59. In what capacity did the prophets write the scriptures ? 

60. What was the seat of religious authority in Israel ? 



MESSIANIC PROPHECY. 



Auburn Seminary Elective, First Term, 1896-97. 



LECTURE XII. 

New Testament Teachings. 

61. Definition. — Differentiate the terms Messianic Predic- 
tion, Messianic Prophecy, Messianic Doctrine taught by the 
Prophets. 

62. Not scattered predictions merely. — The New Testament 
men hold, that the doctrine of the Messiah is taught in all the 
Old Testament scriptures (e. g. Luke xxiv. 27, 44). 

63. One promise. — They regard the messianic teaching of 
the Old Testament as mainly the unfolding of one promise, 
and only ooe (Acts xxvi. 6-7, and the passages cited in the 
following numbers). 

64. The one promise identified. — They identify it as the one 
made to Abraham and Israel (Heb. vi. 13-15, IT, xi. 9, 39-40, 
Rom. iv. 13-14, 16-17a, 20, and many of the passages here- 
after given). 

65. The promises. — The one promise spreads itself out into 
many specifications. So they speak of it in the plural, with 
reference to its various aspects and unfoldings (Heb. vi. 12, 
vii. 6, xi. 17, 13, viii. 6, Rom. ix. 4, xv. 8). 

66. Their treatment of this subject. — They trace the unfold- 
ing of the promise throughout the Old Testament history, 
identify it with the promise made, later, to David, and regard 
it as having been continually fulfilled, but likewise as always 
moving on to larger fulfillment (Acts vii. 2, 17-18, xiii. 22-23, 
Luke i. 69-70, 72-73, and all the passages that speak of the 
Christ as the son of David). 

67. Christ the great fulfillment. — They claim that Jesus 
Christ is the culminating fulfillment of the ancient promise, 



22 NEW TESTAMENT TEACHINGS. 

so that, in preaching him, they were preaching the promise 
(Actsxiii. 23, 32-33, Gal. iii. 8, 22, 29, Acts ii. 38-39, iii. 25-26). 

68. The promise and the Gospel, —a. They constantly con- 
nect the promise with the doctrine of redemption from sin and 
its consequences, b. And with the doctrine of the kingdom 
of God, on earth and in heaven, and so with the universal and 
eternal reign of Christ, as prince of peace (concordance). 

69. The promise and the gentiles. — They make it emphatic 
that God ? s promise to Abraham was for the nations, and there- 
fore conveys title to the gentiles, under which they may re- 
ceive the gospel (Eph. i. 13, ii. 12, iii. 6-7, Gal. iv. 23, 28, and 
the passages last cited). 

70. Special terms. — In teaching these things they employ 
peculiar terms brought over from the Old Testament, and in 
some cases modified in use : messiah, servant, son, mine elect, 
holy one, etc. (Lect. XIX, and concordance). We now note 
only the general fact that such phrases exist. 

71. Special lines of representation. — These also are brought 
forward from the Old Testament : the last days ; the day of 
the Lord ; the kingdom ; .my messenger ; the Spirit, and the 
prophet as a type ; the ceremonial types ; biographical types, 
etc. (Lect. XX and concordance). 

72. The promise and the doctrine of resurrection. — In many 
passages, both those which mention the coming of the Lord 
and others, the promise is closely connected with the doctrine 
of the resurrection (e. g. Acts xxvi. 6-8, 2 Tim. i. 1, 2 Pet. iii. 
4, 9, 1 John ii. 24-25, Heb. ix. 15, x. 36). 



LECTURE XIII. 

IXTEKPBETIXG THE OLD TESTAMENT MESSIANIC TEACHINGS. 

73. Eisegesis. — We should avoid alike the carrying back of 
Christian ideas into the Old Testament and the neglecting of 
those ideas that belong to the Old Testament in common with 
Christianity. Take the Old Testament passage as it stands, and 



INTERPRETATION. 23 



ask : What did this mean to an intelligent, devont, unin- 
spired Israelite of the time to which it belongs ? 

74. Inferences from other religions. — The indirect analogical 
evidence drawn from the history of other religions is here to 
be allowed just its proper value, and no more. 

75. Certain misconceptions to he guarded against. — Most of 
us have in mind pretty distinct ideas of the nature of messi- 
anic prediction, and, in particular, of the meaning and use of 
the term Messiah. It is supposable that our preconceived 
ideas may be crude and misleading. We can decide this only 
by holding them in suspense till we can test them by the facts 
we find in the Old Testament. We need to guard most jeal- 
ously against the process of merely putting our ideas into the 
passages we study, and then dipping them out again. 

76. Division of the subject. — First, the main line of the Old 
Testament evidence as to the giving and unfolding of the 
promise (Lects. XIV-XVIII) ; second, the branching out of 
the messianic doctrine, in the psalms and the other prophetic 
writings, into forms marked by technical terms (Lect. XIX) ; 
third, certain collateral lines of Old Testament evidence (Lect. 
XX) ; fourth, the consideration of particular selected pro- 
phecies (Lects. XXI-XXII) ; fifth, the messianic doctrine in 
the times after the Old Testament (Lects. XXII1-XXIV). 



LECTURE XIV. 
The main Line of the Peomise. Time of the Pateiaechs. 

77. Definition. — The main line of Old Testament statement, 
for any purpose, is that which records the history of Israel, 
beginning with the call to Abraham. We shall find that 
messianic doctrine is the principal thing in this history. 

78. Sin and redemption. — The thought of these underlies 
the messianic doctrine of the Old Testament at every point ; 
though we cannot delay at every step to note its presence. 

79. The original promise to Abraham. — Study it carefully 



PATRIARCHAL TIMES. 



(Gen. xii. 1-3 and parallel passages). It consists, first, of 
certain subordinate items, and, second, of a culminating, that 
is, a principal item. 

80. Some of the subordinate items. — a. A "seed," that is, 
a posterity, promised to Abraham, Sarah, Isaac, Jacob (xiii. 
14sq., xv, xvii. 6, 15-16, etc., xxvi. 3, 4, xxviii. 3, 4, xxxv. 
11, 12, xlviii. 3, 4). b. This seed to include countless persons 
(ibid.), c. The seed to be or include a great nation (xviii. 18, 
xxxv. 11, xlvi. 3). d. The seed to be or include what is 
called " an assembly of nations," "an assembly of peoples " 
(xxviii. 3, xxxv. 11, xlviii. 4, and probably xvii. 6, 16). The 
nation intended is Israel, and the federated parts of Israel are 
the assembly of nations or of peoples, though confused tran- 
slation has sometimes led to other conclusions, e. Kings 
shall spring from Abraham, from Sarah, from Jacob (xvii. 6, 
16, xxxv. 11) ; Israelitish kings, necessarily, not Ishmaelite, 
Edomite, etc. /. The seed to inherit the land of Canaan, g. 
Various other items : great name ; friends to be blessed, etc. ; 
seed to take possession of the gate of its enemies (xii. 2-3, 
etc., xxii. 17). 

81. The principal item in the promise. — That all mankind 
shall be blessed in Abraham and his seed. 

82. The emphasis laid upon this. — a. Repeated in this 
form live times in Genesis (xii. 3, xviii. 18, xxii. 18, xxvi. 4, 
xxviii. 14). b. In each of these places, it is the culminating 
item in a series, c. Given in different form when the name 
was changed from Abram to Abraham (xvii. 4-5). This pass- 
age is different from xlviii. 19 and from those cited in Qu. 80d. 
Paul interprets it correctly (Rom. iv. 16-18, 11-12). d. Among 
the subordinate items, those touching the seed are especially 
connected with the principal item, and are especially empha- 
sized, e. Here is the centre of the covenant (Qu. 84). /. The 
New Testament men cite this promise more than anything 
else (Lect. XII). 



LECTURE XV. 

The Promise. Time of the Patriarchs — Continued. 

83. "Seed," as used in the promise. — a. Sometimes a part 
of the benefit promised, and sometimes associated with the 
patriarch as the recipient of the promise (Qu. 80, 82, etc.). 
b. A collective noun, not a plural ; a unit from Abraham to 
the culmination (Gal. iii. 16, 19). The targums pluralize the 
Aramaic word. 

84. Tlie promise and the covenant. — God's covenant with 
Abraham was based on the promise, with special reference to 
the " seed." a. The covenant of the Pieces (xv). b. That of 
Circumcision (xvii). 

85. The peculiar people. — This phrase means God's own 
people ; not, a people different from others. The most im- 
portant biblical formula is, in substance : I will be to them for 
a God, and they shall be to me for a people. The first half of 
this appears in patriarchal history (xvii. 7, 8, xxviii 21b). 

86. The promise eternally operative. — Especial stress is laid 
upon this (xiii. 15, xvii. 7, 8, 13, 19, xlviii. 4, cf. xxi. 33). 

87. The contemporary understanding of the promise. — a. 
We have no information as to how far such men as Abraham 
may, by miraculous inspiration, have foreseen the future, b. 
In this promise that Abraham and his seed shall be eternally 
Yahweh' s own people, for the benefit of the nations, an intelli- 
gent, devout, uninspired man of the patriarchal times would 
not see a prediction of a person like Jesus, living and dying 
in Palestine, many hundred years in the future. c. As the 
covenant was eternal, however, he would expect that the 
events included under it would still be in progress, whatever 
their nature, hundreds of years in the future; and they would 
not exclude such facts as those concerning Jesus, d. But espec- 
ially he would find in it a religious doctrine, holding the same 
place in his theology that the doctrine of Christ holds in ours, 
to be believed and taught and practiced, for purposes of cur- 
rent living. 



26 TIME OF THE EXODUS. 



88. The promise a prediction. — As thus explained, it is 
something immeasurably more than a mere prediction, but its 
predictive value is not diminished. 

89. Relatively independent of critical theories. — a. We 
should not undervalue the importance of the question whether 
these accounts were written in the time of Moses, or centuries 
later ; and especially that of the question whether they are 
strictly historical, b. But the view we have taken of the 
promise depends not at all on the question of authorship, pro- 
vided the recorded facts are correct, c. Even those who ques- 
tion the minute historicity of the records do not question the 
fact that this teaching concerning the promise is one of the 
ancient doctrines of the religion of Yahweh, dating as far 
back as that religion can be traced. 



LECTURE XVI. 
The Peomise. Time oe the Exodus. 

90. Limits of treatment. — In following out the main line of 
the promise, we must confine ourselves to a few instances, be- 
longing to the great representative periods. 

91. A continuous covenant. — In the history of the time of 
the exodus, stress is laid on the statement that the covenant 
made with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob is yet in existence. 
The fresh covenant publicly entered into, and that more than 
once, at the bringing of Israel out of Egypt, is thought of as 
the perpetuation of the covenant with Abraham (Ex. ii. 24, 
iii. 13, 15, 16, etc., vi. 3-5, Deut. iv. 31, with the passages 
hereafter cited, and others). 

92. The peculiar people. — a. The form " to me for a people, 
and ... to you for a God ' ' is much used in the history 
of the time of the exodus (Ex. vi. 7, xxix. 45, Lev. xi. 45, 
xxii. 33, xxv. 38, xxvi. 12, 45, etc., Deut. xxix. 12-13, xxvi. 
17-19, etc.). b. My own, . . . a kingdom of priests and 
an holy nation" (xix, 5, 6). c. All the institutions for keep- 
ing Israel separate, 



TIME OF THE EXODUS. 27 

93. In the interest of mankind. — a. This is not so much 
emphasized as in Genesis, but yet is made very distinct, b. 
Other peoples are to recognize the name of Yahweh in Israel 
(Deut. xxviii. 9-11). c. Israel a priestly nation, mediating 
between Yahweh and all other nations (Deut. vii. 6, xiv. 2, 
Ex. xix. 5-6). d. This priestly character recognized in the 
New Testament (e. g. Rev. i. 6, v. 10, 1 Pet. ii. 5, 9, all in rev. 
ver.). 

94. The son of Yahweh. — A peculiar relation of sonship to 
Yahweh is recognized as attending Israel, though this is not 
often mentioned (Ex. iv. 22, 23, Deut. i. 31, xxxii. 6). 

95. Eternal and irrevocable. — a. As in the time of the 
patriarchs, so here. Much emphasis is placed on the eternal 
character of the covenant and promise (Deut. iv. 40, xii. 28, 
and many statements concerning institutions, e.g. Ex. xxxi. 16, 
17, Lev. xvi. 29, 31, 34, vi. 18, vii. 34, 36, xvii. 7, xxiii. 14, 21, 
etc.). b. The promise, though sometimes spoken of as con- 
ditioned on obedience (e. g. Deut. iv. 40, xii. 28), is also spoken 
of as irrevocable, even for sin (Lev. xxvi. 44-45, Deut. iv. 30- 
31, rev. ver., and perhaps other passages). This is a fresh 
way of affirming that it will be forever operative. 

96. Contemporary interpretation. — a. Apply, with the 
requisite changes of terms, the statements in Qus. 88 and 87. 
b. Further, the intelligent, devout, uninspired Israelite of the 
time of the exodus looked back upon some centuries during 
which the promise had been in process of fulfillment, recog- 
nized that process as moving forward in his own time, and 
looked for yet larger fulfillment in the future. 

97. Critical theories. — With changes of details, the state- 
ments of Qu. 89 apply here. 

98. The rest-promise. — Incidentally, God's promise to give 
Israel rest from all his enemies, and choose a place for his 
name to dwell in (given Deut. xii. 10, 9, 14, 21, xxv. 19, etc., 
cf. Ex. xxxiii. 14 ; partially fulfilled Deut. iii. 20, Josh. i. 13, 
15, xxi. 44 [42], xxii. 4, xxiii. 1, cf. Ps. xcv. 11, Heb. iii-iv) 
is connected with the great promise : first, as an important 



28 TIME OF DAVID. 



matter of detail included in it ; second, as a link of connection 
between the time of the exodus and that of David. 



LECTURE XVII. 
The Promise. Time of David. 

99. The classical passage. — This is the iccount of David's 
proposing to build a temple to Yahweh, and the message he 
received in regard to it through Nathan (2 Sam. vii dupli- 
cated, with changes, 1 Chron. xvii). 

100. The promise as a whole. — That as David had proposed 
to build Yahweh a house, so Yahweh would make David a 
house (2 Sam. vii. 5b, lib, 2., 16, 19, 25, 26, 29, 29). Note 
how the repetition emphasizes the promise in this particular 
form. 

101. Connection with the times of the exodus and of Abra- 
ham. — a. With the rest-promise. Compare the passages (Qu. 
98) with statements in 2 Sam. vii and other passages based 
upon it (vii. 1, 9-11 [verbs in progressive present], 1 Chron. 
xxii. 9, 18, xxiii. 25, xxviii. 2, 1 Ki. v. 4 [18], 2 Chron. vi. 41, 
Ps. cxxxii. 8, 14, etc.). b. Enemies cut off (vii. 9 cf. Deut. 
xii. 29, etc.). c. Evidently David held that Yahweh had now 
at length chosen the place for his name to dwell (Deut. xii. 11, 
etc. cf. 2 Sam. vii. 13, 1 Ki. viii. 16, 2 Chron. vi. 4-7, etc.). d. 
Yahweh the God of Israel, etc. (vii. 26-27). e. " And who are 
like thy people," etc. (vii. 23 cf. Deut. iv. 7-8) \ f. " To thee 
for a people" (vii. 24, 23, 10, Gen. xvii. 7-8, Deut. xxvi. 17- 
18, Qu. 92). g. Additional specifications in the promise itself 
(Qu. 102). 

102. Details in the promise to David. — a. David's "house" 
is to consist in a line of descendants (12, 16, 19, 25, 26, 29). 
" Seed after thee " (12 cf. Gen. xvii. 7, 8, 9, 10, 19). "Come 
forth from thy bowels" (12 cf. Gen. xv. 4, 2 Sam. xvi. 11, 2 
Chron. xxxii. 21, which are all the places where the phrase 
occurs), b. Incidentally, some member of this house shall 



TIMES AFTER DAVID. 29 

build the temple (13, and only there), c. The "seed" is to 
reign (12, 13, 16, 16 cf. Qu. 80e) ; in God's kingdom (1 
Chron. xvii. 14, Qu. 137e) ; a succession, and not one king 
only. d. Is to be in a peculiar sense the son of Yak wen. (14, 
Qu. 94). e. To reign eternally (13 16, 16, 25, 26, 29, 29, cf. 
24 and Qus. S6, 95a). /. Tke promise to David irrevocable, 
even for sin (14b-15, Qu. 95b), tkougk in a different sense 
spoken of as conditioned on obedience (e. g. 1 Ckron. xxviii. 
7, Ps. cxxxii. 12). g. "This being tke Torak of mankind, O 
Lord Yakwek " (19). "And tkou art looking upon me ac- 
cording to tke upbringing Torak of mankind, O Yakwek God " 
(1 Ckron. xvii. 17). David kad in mind tke tkougkt of God's 
one great revelation for mankind ; and tkat can be no otker 
tkan tke promise tkat all nations skall be blessed in Abrakam. 
103. Contemporary interpretation. — a. An uninspired but 
intelligent Israelite of tke time of David, one wko believed 
tkat Yakwek makes promises and afterward fulfills tkem, 
would understand tkis to mean tkat David skould have as kis 
posterity an unending succession of kings, one of wkom skould 
build tke temple, wkile tkrougk tke wkole succession of tkem 
skould be fulfilled tke promise made of old to Abrakam and 
Israel, b. Apply kere tke statements made in Qus. 88, 
87, 96. 



LECTURE XVIII. 
The Promise. Postdavidic Times. 

104. The Literature. — Tke messianic material found in tke 
psalms, tke kistories and tke otker propketic books, from tke 
time of David on, is so abundant tkat it could be exkausted 
only by the study of these writings entire. We can examine 
but a few specimens. 

105. General statement. — a. If the view taken in these lec- 
tures is correct, the prophets of David's time and later kad, 
as tke central doctrine of their religion, tkis : tkat Yakwek 
had made Israel to be peculiarly his r>eople ; had vested this 



30 TIMES AFTER DAVID. 

relation centrally in the royal line of David ; had done this 
for purposes of blessing to mankind ; purposes that had al- 
ready been unfolding for centuries, and were on the way to an 
ever larger unfolding, b. The messianic passages in the writ- 
ings of the prophets are mostly the repetition, the unfolding, 
the supplementing or the homiletic use of the promise, as 
given either to Abraham, to Israel, or to David. They preached 
this one promise, as we preach it in the nineteenth century, 
as having been fulfilled before their times, as then fulfilling^ 
and as to be yet more largely fulfilled, eternally, in the future. 

106. Certain modes of presenting the doctrine. — a. Possibly, 
though not necessarily, in disconnected predictions of a com- 
ing person, in a few passages only (e. g. Pss. ii, xxii, ex), b. 
Formal amplifications (1 Chron. xxii. 6-11, 1 Ki. viii. 15-21, 24- 
26, 2 Chron. vi. 4-11, 15-17, Ps. lxxxix) c. Use of messianic 
utterances as texts or proof texts (e. g. Isa. ii. 2-4). d. Most 
frequently, taking the promise for granted, as something well 
known, on which to build their argument, e. In the use of 
special terms (Lect. XIX). /. And of the collateral lines of 
presentation (Lect. XX). 

In the remaining questions in this lecture, we shall have to 
take for granted some things that come under these last two 
specifications. 

107. The conception of Israel as the people of the promise. — 
The prophets certainly had this conception, and it is impor- 
tant to the understanding of their utterances. Distinguish it 
from the conception of Israel as merely a race of men, or a na- 
tion ; and, on the other hand, from that of the true Israel 
within Israel, etc. 

108. All nations have an interest in the promise. — a. Recog- 
nized in the dedication services of the temple (1 Ki. viii. 41- 
43, 2 Chron. vi. 32-33, cf. the following verses), b. In formal 
repetitions (Ps. lxxii. 17, Jer. iv. 1-2, Ps., xxi. 6a [5a], Isa. 
lxv, 16, xlix. 6, 7, lv-lvi, especially lvi. 3-8, Zech. xiv. 16 
sq., and many other passages). 

109. The promise eternal and. irrevocable. — See Qus. 102ef, 
86, 95. This characteristic runs through to the close of t he 



SPECIAL TERMS. 31 



Old Testament. In proof note most of the passages that have 
been cited in this lecture, and very many others (e. g. Ps. 
lxxxix. 19-37, verse by verse, especially 26-37, 1 Ki. xi. 36, 2 
Chron. xxi. 7, 2 Ki. xiii. 23, Isa. lix. 20-21). 

110. Mediatorial suffering. — In some parts of the prophetic 
writings, this idea becomes very prominent in connection with 
God's purpose for the nations through Israel (e. g. Pss. xxii, 
xl, Isa. liii, Qu. 134). 

111. A glimpse at the later fulfillments. — It will help to give 
us a steady grasp of the bearing of the facts we are studying 
if we now take a glance forward, a. The conception of an 
eternally operative promise, such as we find that the prophets 
had, necessarily involves that of cumulative fulfillment, and 
of certain culminating periods of fulfillment, o. The fulfill- 
ment in our own times consists in three things : first, in what 
Israel as a race has accomplished and is accomplishing inhu- 
man history ; second, in what the religion of Israel and its 
daughter religions, Christianity and Mohammedanism, accom- 
plish in history and civilization ; third, in the person and 
work of Jesus Christ, the culmination of that which God has 
done through Israel for mankind. It is a mistake to neglect 
the consideration of any one of these three things. 

112. Critical questions. — In this very brief sketch of the 
view held by the postdavidic prophets, we are compelled to 
neglect the vast number of questions that have arisen in regard 
to the dates and the authorship of these writings. Differences 
on these questions would modify many of the details included 
in our proposition, but would not greatly affect the whole 
proposition. 

LECTUEE XIX. 

Special Messianic Terms. 

113. The rise of these terms. — In the course of time, cer- 
tain words came to have a partly technical use in the teaching 
of the promise doctrine. As a rule, the roots of this use are 
predavidic ; there is a strong development of it in the psalms 



32 tiPECi^i. TERMS. 



that are assigned to the times of David ; and the use remains 
to the close of the Old Testament. 

114. The Messiah. — a. The Old Testament uses this term 
less than many think, tc denote a coming Person, b. Four 
times, all in Leviticus, the anointed one is the Levitical priest; 
twenty-three times (e. g. 1 Sam. xxvi. 9, 11, 16, xvi. 6, 2 Sam. 
xix. 21 [22], Lam. iv. 20), he is either Saul or a Davidic king 
of Israel ; once he is Cyrus (Isa. xlv. 1) ; twice the patriarchs 
are the anointed ones (Ps. cv. 15, 1 Chron. xvi. 22, "prophets" 
in the parallel line). c. Nine instances are disputed (1 Sam. 
ii. 10, 35, Pss. ii. 2, xx. 6, xxviii. 8, lxxxiv. 9, Hab. iii. 13, 
Dan. ix. 25, 26). d. The Old Testament use which is perpet 
uated in the New Testament is mainly that in which the word 
denotes David, or the reigning king of his line, thought of as 
especially the depositary of the great promise. e. The verb 
of this stem is used in connection with the promise quite as 
prominently as the noun ; used like the noun, but with more 
emphasis "on prophetic gifts (e. g. Pss. xlv. 7 [8], lxxxix. 20 
[21], Isa. lxi. 1). 

115. The Servant. — a. The most prominent special messianic 
term in the Old Testament. b. Used untechnically of the 
patriarchs and of Moses, Caleb, Samson, David and others 
(concordance). c. Sometimes used technically of David and 
the patriarchs (Acts iii. 26, rev. ver., and cone, of both Testa- 
ments), d. Used of Israel (Isa. xli. 8, 9, xliv. 1, 2, 21, xlv. 4, 
xlviii. 20, xlix. 3, and by inference xlii. 1, 19, xliii. 10, xliv. 
26, xlix. 5, 6, 7, 1. 10, Iii. 13, liii. 11), this group of passages 
being much quoted in the New Testament. e. In other 
prophets, used of Israel and of the house of David ( Jer. ii. 14, 
xxx. 10, xxxiii. 21, 22, 26, xlvi. 27, 28, Ezek. xxviii. 25, xxxiv. 
23, 24, xxxvii. 24, 25, 25, Hag. ii. 23, Zech. iii. 8, Mai. i. 6). 
In these prophets, the word servant is also used in the singu- 
lar of Nebuchadnezzar, Moses, Daniel ; and, in the plural, of 
the prophets ; but these facts do not disturb the fact of the 
technical use. 

116. The Servant objectified. — a. When the term Servant 
is applied technically to Israel, or to the line of David, they 



SPECIAL TERMS. 33 



are thought of, not merely in themselves, but as the promise 
people, and the promise dynasty (Qn. 107). b. Occasionally j 
this conception of Israel as the promise people becomes dis- 
tinct from the ordinary conception of Israel itself (Isa. 
xlix. 5-7, cf. Rom. ix. 6-8), so that Israel the Servant is 
thought of as having a mission to Israel the people. 

117. The Servant and the Christian Messiah. — The best 
Jewish interpretation affirms that the Servant is Israel, and 
therefore not Jesus ; much Christian interpretation says that 
the Servant is Jesus, and therefore not Israel ; the true inter- 
pretation is that the Servant is Israel, and is therefore Jesus 
Christ, the highest manifestation of Yahweh in and through 
Israel (Qu. 111). 

118. The Son. — a. In or before the great Davidic promise 
(Qus. 94, 102d). b. After this promise (1 Chron. xxii. 10, Pss. 
lxxxix. 26, ii. 7, 12, Isa. ix. 6, Hos. xi. 1, xiii. 13, Jer. iii. 19, 
xxxi. 9, 20, Ezek. xxi. 10 [15]. perhaps Dan. iii. 25, vii. 13). 
c. The Son is either Israel, or the existing representative of 
the house of David, thought of as son to Yahweh. cl. Com- 
pare "son of David ", " son of man", " son of God ", in the 
New Testament. 

119. Sons of promise. — The " seed " was to be perpetuated 
by fresh births in each generation. Perpetual parentage, 
therefore, is included in the promise. Critical points in its 
history are marked by the gift of promised sons, as Isaac, 
Ishmael, Samson, Samuel, Solomon. In these instances, the 
mothers are made prominent : witness Hagar, Sarah, Manoah' s 
wife, Hannah, Bathsheba. There is a sonshrp of human 
motherhood, distinct from the sonship of divine fatherhood. 

120. The Chosen one, or Elect one. — a. Noun plural (Ps. 
cv. 6, 43, Isa. lxv. 9, 15, 22, etc.). b. Noun singular (Ps. 
lxxxix. 3, Isa. xlii. 1, xliii. 20, xlv. 4). c. Passive participle 
(Ps. lxxxix. 19, Jer. xlix. 19, 1. 44). d. Analagous use of 
verb (Deut. vii. 6, xiv. 2, 1 Ki. xi. 13, 32, 34, Isa. xli. 8, 9, 
and many other places). 

121. The Hasidh. — a. Our versions variously render this 
word " holy one," "saint," "merciful one," "godly one." 



34 SPECIAL TERMS. 



It is from the same stem with heseclh, often rendered mercy, 
but properly loving kindness. Oftener than in all other uses 
combined, hesedh denotes Yahweh's loving kindness, under 
the promise, to Israel and the line of David. A hasidh is 
characteristically a permanent depositary of this loving kind- 
ness of Yahweh. b. Three times the hasidh is Yahweh him- 
self (Jer. iii. 12, Ps. cxlv. 17, Deut. xxxiii. 8, cf. Ps. xviii. 25 
[26]. 2 Sam. xxii. 26). c. Seventeen times the word is plural, 
translated saints in our versions (concordance), denoting Israel- 
ites in the character of the promise people, d. Once the word 
in the singular denotes the nation Israel (Ps. xliii. 1). e. Used 
in the singular to denote a person, hasidh is without the arti- 
cle, and is possibly indefinite ; but he is generally to be ident- 
ified with the speaker, and the speaker with the house of 
David (Mic. vii. 2, Pss. xii. 1 [2], xxxii. 6, xviii. 25 [26], iv. 3 
[4], lxxxvi. 2). /. In four instances there are variant read- 
ings (Ps. xvi. 10, 1 Sam. ii. 9, Ps. lxxxix. 19 [20], Prov. ii. 8). 
In the first three of these the noun is probably singular, and 
is an instance of a pre-eminent hasidh, like some of the in- 
stances in e. 

122. The Branch — Tsemdh — A mode of speech starting in 
David's time, but mainly elaborated by Jeremiah (2 Sam. xxiii. 
4-5, Isa. iv. 2-6, Jer. xxiii. 5-8, xxxiii. 14-18 cf. 19-26, Zech. 
iii. 8 and context, vi. 12 and context). 

123. The Branch — Netser. — Perhaps the translation should 
be "flower" (Isa. xi. 1-10, lx. 21, and indirectly xi v. 19, Dan. 
xi. 7). 

124. The use of these terms. — They differ in actual use, but 
they are mostly capable of being thought of alike : a. Each 
may denote any person, regarded as in close relations with 
Yahweh. b. Each prevailingly denotes either the Israelitish 
race or the line of David or both, but always with especial 
reference to their close relations with Yahweh. c. In the use 
of each, stress is laid on God's purpose for mankind, on this 
as eternal, and to have its most glorious manifestation in the 
future, d. In the use of each, the prophet ordinarily speaks 
subjectively, as a man of Israelitish race ; but each is capable 



COLLATERAL LINES OF TEACHING. 35 

of being used objectively, so that the promise nation or the 
promise king, for example, will be thought of as differing from 
the nation or king actually existing, and as having a mission 
to these (Qu. 116, for example). 



LECTURE XX. 

Collateral Li^es of Messianic Teaching. 

125. Pre-Abrahamic. — a. Yahweh's relations with Adam, 
including the protevangelium (Gen. iii. 15). b. Abel's sacri- 
fice (Gen. iv, Mat. xxiii. 35, Luke xi. 51 , Heb. xi. 4, xii. 24, 1 
Jo. iii. 12, Jude 11). c. Noah, especially the covenant (Gen. 
vi. 18, ix. 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17). d. The record of these 
supplemented in Israel the central line of messianic teaching, 
especially touching sin and redemption, and God's purpose 
for mankind. 

126. The kingdom and universal peace. — a. Many of the 
passages are familiar (e. g. Isa. ii. 2-4, Mic. iv. 1-5, Isa. iv. 
2-6, xi. 1-10, lxv. 25, Ezek. xxxiv. 24-29, Pss. ii. 8, lxxii. 8, 
Dan. ii. 44-45, vii. 27, etc.). b. Amplifications of the promise 
of royalty to the seed of Abraham (e. g. Gen. xvii. 6, 16), to 
Israel (Ex. xix. 6, etc. ), and especially to the seed of David 
(Qu. 102 c e, and references there made). c. Emphasizing 
God's purpose through Israel for the nations, in the messianic 
promise, d. Appearing in the New Testament doctrine of the 
kingdom of God. 

127. The last days. —a. A doctrine concerning certain future 
times that shall be times of retribution to Israel for his lack 
of fidelity to the promise covenant, bat also of the fulfillment 
of the promise, and of overthrow to his enemies ; beginning 
early, and extending through the Old Testament (e. g. Gen. 
xlix. 1, Num. xxiv. 14, Deut. iv. 30, xxxi. 29, Isa. ii. 2, Hos. 
iii. 5, Jer. xxiii. 20, Dan. x. 14). b. Closely connected with 
the passages concerning the kingdom. c. In the New Testa- 
ment, used of the time then current and coming (e. g. Acts, ii 



36 COLLATERAL LINES OF TEACHING. 



17, Heb. i. 2, 1 Pet. i. 20, 2 Pet. iii. 3) ; and, in the singular, 
at least, of the end of the world (John vi. 39, 40, etc.). 

128. The day of Yahweh. — a. A specification under u the 
last days." Appearing, perhaps, at the exodus, but exceed- 
ingly prominent from Joel on (e. g. Ex. xxxii. 34, Joel i. 15, 
ii. 1, 11, and concordance), Joel, Obadiah, Zephaniah,and other 
prophetic books or discourses, of different dates, being mono- 
graphs on the Day of Yahweh, and the day being frequently men- 
tioned in the other prophecies. Often spoken of as " that 
day," and as a day when Yahweh " cometh." b. It is a day 
of signal punishment to Israel, and yet of signal fulfillment of 
the promise. c. It is, at every date, impending. d. Its 
phraseology passes over into that of ' ' the day of the Lord ' ' 
of the New Testament. 

129. The Angel, and the theophanies. — a. See Qu. 44, and 
make a bible reading in the Old Testament on the word Angel. 
b. The theophanic Angel appears at all stages of the history, 
from Abraham to Malachi, and is esjDecially prominent in giv- 
ing Israel possession of the promise (e. g. Ex. iii. 2, xiv. 19, 
xxiii. 20, 23, xxxii. 34 and contexts, Mai. iii. 1, 1, etc., Mat. 
xi. 10, Mc. i. 2, Lc. vii. 27, rightly understood), c. He is rep- 
resented as in relations with the coming of Yahweh, the day 
of Yahweh, the last days, the kingdom, d. Often he appears 
in human form ; and he is affirmed to be Yahweh himself, e. 
In the doctrine of the Angel we have some of the elements of 
the New Testament doctrine of the Incarnation. 

130. The succession of prophets as a type. — a. From Moses 
on, they claim this character (Deut. xviii, Acts iii. 21, 24, 
22-23). b. As the word "messiah" (Qu. 114 d) seems to in- 
dicate a culmination of the promise in a personal king, so here 
we are led to expect a culmination in a personal prophet. c. 
The prophet is especially the organ of God's Spirit, and this 
characterizes the antitype as well as the type. 

131. Ceremonial types. — a. Every part of the national wor- 
ship, the temple, the sacrifices, the priesthood, etc., had a 
typical value, teaching the great truths involved in the mes- 
sianic promise, that is, the truths of sin and redemption, of the 



SPECIMEN PROPHECIES. 37 

separateness of Israel, of God's eternal purpose for the nations 
through Israel ; and so pointing forward to the coming stages 
of the fulfillment, b. Especially emphasized in the epistle to 
the Hebrews, and in the New Testament doctrine of vicarious 
sacrifice. 

132. Other types. — The ark, Noah, Melchizedek, Joseph, 
Jonah, etc. The statements commonly made need sifting. 

133. Disconnected predictions. — If we recognize such pas- 
sages as that concerning Shiloh (Gen. xlix. 10), or the utter- 
ances of Balaam (Num. xxiii-xxiv), as disconnected messianic 
predictions, they are to be classed here. 

134. Mediatorial suffering. — See Qu. 110. This idea, as 
connected with Israel's mission for the nations, is much in- 
sisted on in the use of the special terms, and in the collateral 
lines ; and passes over into the New Testament doctrine. 



LECTURE XXI. 
Specimen Prophecies. 



135. The second psalm. — a. Attributed to David by the 
men of the New Testament, b. Four triplets of verses, c. 
The subject is a certain transaction : the exaltation of a per- 
son who is described as Yahweh 1 s king, his annointed, his son 
(6, 2, 7, perhaps 12). d. Each triplet describes the attitude 
of a certain party toward the transaction : opposing powers 
(1-3) ; Yahweh (4-6) ; the person exalted (7-9) ; human lead- 
ers in general, as advised by the singer (10-12). e. Presum- 
ably the original reference is to a political situation in David's 
time. /. Verses 1-3 cited as applying to the crucifixion (Acts 
iv. 25-27). g. Ver. 7 cited in proof of the exaltation of Jesus 
Christ (Acts xiii. 33, Heb. i. 5, v. 5). h. The remaining verses 
cited in several less conspicuous allusions. 

136. The seventy -second Psalm.— a. Not cited in the New 
Testament, but generally regarded as messianic and missionary. 
b. Solomon is mentioned in the title, but apparently as subject 



38 SPECIMEN PROPHECIES. 

rather than author, c. The verbs are prevailingly either in 
the descriptive present, or the voluntative ; the current trans- 
lations in the future are misleading. The psalm is mainly a 
description of the glories of Solomon's reign, d. Translate 9a: 
" Before him deserts bow." e. In the rhythmical structure, 
the second line of each couplet requires something to be sup- 
plied from the first line. /. Hence 17cd should be translated: 

" And may all nations bless themselves in him, 
Call him happy." 

g. The real subject of the psalm is not Solomon in himself 
considered, but Solomon regarded as the representative of the 
eternal seed of David and of the promise to Abraham (17), and 
the psalm is therefore rightly counted messianic. 

137. The forty -fifth psalm. — a. The title and contents in- 
dicate that this is a song sung at a royal marriage. b. It be- 
gins with a prelude, and closes with a doxology (1, 17). c. 
The singer addresses a king (2-7) ; a second king and his 
empress (8-9) ; the bride (10-12) ; a third king, speaking to 
him of the bride, who is "within" (13-16). d. Presumably these 
parties are Jehoshaphat, Ahab and Jezebel, Athaliah, Jehoram 
of Judah (concordance), but that does not affect the messianic 
bearing of the psalm, e. The line " Thy throne, God, is for- 
ever and ever" (6) is an apostrophe, addressed to deity. The 
statement in prose would be "thy throne, O king, is God's 
throne, and is forever and ever " — not God's throne in heaven, 
but God's Davidic throne on earth (1 Chron. xvii. 14, xxix. 
23, 2 Chron. ix. 8, xiii. 8). f. This first king, therefore, is 
thought of not merely in himself, but as the representative, 
for the time, of David's eternal seed. g. This changes the 
current interpretation of Heb. i. 8-9, but does not change its 
logical value for proving the immeasurable superiority of the 
Son to the angels. 



LECTURE XXII. 
Specimen Prophecies — Continued. 

138. Isaiah ix. 2-7. — a. Isa. vii-xii a continuous discourse, 
probably of the later years of Ahaz, made up in part by re- 
capitulating earlier discourses (vii. 1-9, 10-25, viii. 1-4, 5-8, 
11-16, ix. 8-x. 4, xii. b. ix. 2-7 is a part of the prophet's 
comment on these cited discourses, but is in itself a highly 
wrought piece of poetical composition, c. Its direct purpose 
is to encourage Judah, in terrible suffering from Assyrian in- 
vaders, d. It does this by insisting upon the promise given 
to the nation and to David, emphasizing especially the terms 
"son" and "kingdom" (Qus. 118, 94, 102d, 126). e. It 
counts the promise to be forever, and exalts the "son," even 
to the extent of giving him divine names). /. Note Luke i. 
14-15. 

139. Isaiah xi. 1-10. — Another part of the same discourse, 
using the promise, in other aspects, for the same purpose. 

140. Isaiah vii. 10-25. — a. Part of the same discourse, be- 
ing one of the earlier prophecies cited in it. b. The words 
addressed in the second person feminine to the virgin mother 
(14) are those of the angel to Hagar (Gfen.xvi.ll), paralleled in 
the promises concerning Isaac and Samson (Gen. xvii. 19, Jud. 
xiii. 5, 7). c. As the promise to David is used as the basis of 
the other two passages, so, in this earlier transaction, the sign 
given to Ahaz consists in the repetition of that promise. 
Probably the hearers understood the prophet to refer to an 
ideal mother of the "seed" of David (Qu. 119). 

141. Isaiah Hi. 13-liii. 12. — This fits the history of Israel 
among the nations ; and it fits the atoning work of Jesus 
Christ, One of these need not exclude the other, 



LECTURE XXIII. 
Messianic Expectation and Fulfillment. 

142. Sources for the New Testament times. — By far the 
most explicit and trustworthy source is the New Testament 
itself. Other sources are the later Apocrypha, the Psalter of 
Solomon, the book of Enoch, Josephus, Philo, etc., with the 
traditions of the early Christian fathers and the talmudists. 

143. A temporal deliverer f — The statement so commonly 
made, that the Jews of the time of Christ were looking for a 
political messiah, who should free them from the Romans, and 
maKe them a dominant nation, has the same sort of truth with 
other crude general statements. 

144. The actual nature of the expectation. — a. The Jews 
were looking for a signal manifestation of Yahweh, under the 
old promise to the nation, b. Different persons expected 
different things. c. Very prominent was the expectation of 
a person of the royal line of David (John i. 41, 45. etc.). d. 
But there were uncertainties as to whether the manifestation 
would be through one person or through several (John i. 19-27, 
Mat. xvi. 13-14, etc.), aud, indeed, a very general uncertainty 
as to the form it might be expected to assume, e. The pre- 
vailing idea of it was that of the kingdom of Gfod or the king- 
dom of heaven, the messiah being thought of as the anointed 
king in that kingdom. /. The New Testament accounts im- 
ply that the eternal and spiritual elements in the expected 
manifestation, its character as connected with redemption from 
sin, its mission for all mankind through Israel, were familiar 
to the minds of devout Israelites (Luke i. 15-17, 32-35, 54-55, 
68-79, ii. 30-32, Mat. ii. 1, i. 21, John i. 29, 36, etc.). Ideas 
ol this kind were prevalent enough so that one would be in- 
telligible when speaking of them. g. John the Baptist him- 
self knew that Jesus was the lamb of God and his own might- 
ier successor, but did not know whether Jesus was "he that 
should come" (Mat. iii, Mark i, Luke iii, John i. 19-36, iii. 
27-36. Mat, xi. 3. Luke vii, 19), h. The uncertainties were 



apologetic Value. a 

not cleared, even for the disciples, till after the resurrection 
(Luke xxiv, etc.). i. The idea of a personal messiah which 
is exhibited in the claims of the false messiahs belongs mainly 
later than the time of Jesus. 

145. Fulfillment. — a. In the Israelitish race, in Israel's re- 
ligion and its daughter religions, in the person and work of 
Jesus Christ (Qus. Ill, 117, etc.). b. Though the culminating 
fulfillment is in the person of the divine-human Savior, as 
manifested in Jesus Christ, yet there are remainders of the 
eternal promise yet to be fulfilled, both in the Israelitish race, 
in the spread of the kingdom on the earth, and in the blessed- 
ness of the recipients of the promise, in heaven. 



LECTURE XXIY. 
The Apologetic Value oe Messianic Prophecy. 

146. Traditional form of the argument. — That the prophets 
made many predictions concerning a person to come, known 
as the Messiah ; and that these were fulfilled in Jesus, thus 
proving the divine mission both of those who foresaw, and of 
him who was foreseen. 

147. Value of this argument. — a. Correct, when properly 
defined, b. Practically weakened by the mistaken claims 
that some of its advocates have made ; by the fact that some 
of the instances are not obvious ; by its lack of unity ; by its 
associations with mistaken theories of prophecy. 

148. Restatement. — Messianic doctrine as stated in these 
lectures affords a basis for several independent arguments for 
the truth and the supernatural origin of the religion revealed 
in the scriptures. 

149. Argument from the promise as the statement of a 
national ideal. — a. No such ideal in any other nation, b. No 
school of criticism disputes that this ideal was in the con- 
sciousness of Israel as early as 800 B. C. 

150. Argument from fulfilled prediction. — a. See Qus. 145, 



42 QUESTIONS. 



Ill, 117, etc. b. When we substitute the conception of one 
promise for that of many foretold events, this argument gains 
in strength. 

151. Argument from historical verisimilitude. — With the 
view we have taken of the promise and its fulfillments, they 
constitute a historical movement, extending over some thou- 
sands of years of past time, and indefinitely into the future. 
This movement, whether considered in itself, in its relations 
with other history, or as the channel of a special revelation 
from God, is one that will stand the tests of all reasonable 
investigation. 

152. Argument from details. — a. Each of the arguments 
thus far mentioned grows in strength as we examine the 
details. b. In addition, this doctrine of the one promise 
affords a ready solution of many of the apologetical questions 
that arise. 

153. The men of the New Testament as scientific histor- 
ians. — Certain conceptions of historical continuity underly 
the New Testament interpretations of what the Old Testament 
says concerning the promise. In this, the best historians even 
of our own age are not in advance of the men of the New 
Testament, and most men who have treated of their themes are 
far behind them. This marks them as rarely trustworthy, 
whether we account for it by inspiration, or by the possession 
of remarkable insight. 



Questions for Review. 

6i. Define prediction, prophecy, doctrine, as messianic terms. 

62. In what parts of the Old Testament does the New find messianic 
doctrine ? 

63. How did Paul state the doctrine to Agrippa? 

64. According to the New Testament, what is the one messianic promise ? 

65. What does it mean by the promises? 

66. Its view of the Abrahamic promise in the history of Israel ? 

67. Its view of Christ's relation to the promise ? 

68. Of the promise and the gospel ? 



Questions. 43 



69. Of the promise and the gentiles ? 

70. Mention some special terms which it uses in this teaching. 

71. Some special modes of representation. 

72. Its statements concerning the promise and the resurrection ? 

73. Speak of eisegeszs, and how to avoid it. 

74. How far shall we use other religions as a source ? 

75. In this study, how shall we deal with our prejudices? 

76. Give the general divisions of the subject. 

77. What constitutes the main line of Old Testament fact ? 

78. Does the Old Testament connect sin, etc., with messianic teaching? 

79. Tell about the promise to Abraham. 

80. a. Tell something concerning the " seed " promised to Abraham, b. 
How numerous ? . c. The nation ? d. The assembly ? e. The kings ? /. The 
promised land ? g. Other subordinate items ? 

81. What was the great thing in the promise ? 

82. a. How is this item emphasized by repetition ? b. How by its position? 
c. How by the name Abraham ? d. Its relation to the "seed"? e. To the 
covenant ? f. How regarded in the New Testament? 

83. a. The two uses of the word " seed " in the promise ? b. The signifi- 
cance of the singular collective form ? 

84. The relation of the promise to the two covenants ? 

85. How about a " peculiar people " in the patriarchal times ? 

86. How much emphasis is laid on the eternity of the promise ? 

87. Speak of the contemporary understanding and use of the promise. 

88. How do these facts affect its predictive value ? 

89. a. How important are the questions as to the date and author of the 
narratives in Genesis ? b. How far do the messianic facts depend on these 
questions ? c. How far on the minute historical correctness of the records ? 

91. How do the records of the exodus treat the promise to Abraham ? 

92. Mention, three ways in which, in the time of the exodus, the fact that 
Israel was God's own people was emphasized. 

93. Prove that the idea of blessing for mankind was also then emphasized. 

94. How about Israel as the son of Yahweh ? 

95. a. The eternity of the promise ? b. Its irrevocability ? 

96. Speak of its interpretation in those times. 

98. Give some account of the rest-promise. 

99. Give an account of the circumstances of the promise to David. 

100. The form of the promise to David ? 

101. Some points connecting it with the exodus promise and the promise to 
Abraham ? 

102. a. What is David's " house "? b. How about the temple? c. The 
kingdom ? d. The ' ' son " ? e. The duration of the promise ? f. Its revoca- 
bility ? g. " The law of mankind " ? 

103. Contemporary interpretation ? 

104. How much of the Old Testament is messianic ? 



U QUESTIONS. 



105. a. The central religious doctrine of the prophets ? b. The nature of 
their messianic utterances ? 

106. Modes in which they taught messianic doctrine ? 

107. Speak of the idea of Israel as the people of promise. 

108. a. From the dedication services of the temple, show that gentiles had 
an interest in the promise, b. Cite two other passages to the same effect. 

no. What is said of the sufferings of the agent of the promise? 

in. a. Show that the fulfillment of this promise must be cumulative, and 
with culminating periods, b. In what three things consists the fulfillment in 
our own times ? 

114. Give an account of " messiah " as used in the Old Testament. 

115. A general account of " the servant." 

116. Explain the occasional double use of this term. 

117. How is " the servant" to be identified with Christ ? 

118. The use of the special term " son " ? 

119. Give some account of the promised sons in the Old Testament. 

120. The term " chosen," or " elect" ? 

121. The term kasz'dkl 

122. The " branch " of David ? 

123. The " flower " of David ? 

124. Give some points as to the use of these various terms. 

125. Mention the pre-Abrahamic messianic teachings. 

126. The teachings concerning the kingdom and universal peace. 

127. Concerning the "last days." 

128. Concerning the " day of the LORD." 

129. Concerning the Angel, and the theophanies. 

130. Concerning the prophets as types. 

131. Concerning the priests and the ceremonial law as types. 
134. Concerning mediatorial suffering. 

144. How far is it true that the Jews of the time of Jesus expected a temporal 
Messiah ? 

145. What is the culminating fulfillment of the promise? Is this the same 
as the final fulfillment ? 

146. What has been the prevailing form of stating the apologetic argument 
from messianic prophecy ? 

147. Give an estimate of this argument. 

149. State the argument from the national ideal in the promise. 

150. From the promise as fulfilled prediction. 

151. From the promise and its fulfillment regarded as a historical process. 

152. From the doctrine of the promise in its relation to details. 

153. From the position of the men of the New Testament as scientific his- 
torians. 



, 



